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The Resettlement of Gozo after 1551

Stanley Fiorini


 

1. The Build-up

Fifteenth and early sixteenth century life on the Maltese Islands was characterized by a protracted series of corsair incursions, increasingly daring in conception and execution and devastating in consequence. In the early 1400s it is asserted that:

…la dicta insula di Malta è molestata diversi mode per Mori et dapnificata per maynera ki,…, sirri per diveniri ad finali excidiu et destrucioni in la maynera di Gozu.[1]

This text testifies to the fact that the more exposed and smaller island was bearing the brunt of these razzias and was reduced to near-extinction. In the same capitolo, a request was being made for the erection of a protective tower on Comino:

…per vuliri et putirisi oviari a li continui invasioni, decepcioni et danpni ki li dicti fusti di Mori fannu continue a la dicta insola a loru habitationi fora necessariu hedificari una turri a la insola di Cominu, nidu et latibulu di li dicti Sarrayini.[2]

The repeated complaints by the inhabitants that the rhythm of life on the island was being continually disturbed need not be interpreted as a laboured piteous plea aimed at shirking excise responsibilities:

La extrema povirtati di la dicta insula per la vinuta di li Mori per modu ki pirdiu tucta la bestiami et pero non si po seminari et la insula est povira et destructa.[3]

The arrival in Malta, in 1530, of the Knights Hospitallers, the sworn enemy of the Turk and of his ally the Barbary corsair, actually exacerbated the situation. Between 1530 and the fateful year 1551, incursions by corsairs were stepped up, with no fewer than eight landings, in most cases by Dragut on Gozo, being recorded. Comino is often identified as the lair where the cut-throats lurked and whence they pounced onto their unsuspecting prey. In 1553

dieci Galeotte e Fuste…del Giudeo gran corsale andarono al Comino; dove essendo dimorati tre’ giorni, finalmente à ventinoue d’Ottobre…presero un grippo …di Ceylo Xuereb…ritornando da Saragosa. [4]

In 1540, Dragut Rais, con due Galere, e tredici Galeotte, improuisamente diede sopra l’Isola del Gozo; Et hauendo nel far del giorno posta gente in terra, prese à salvamano intorno à cinquanta di quei poueri Gozitani; i quali pagarono la pena d’havere mancato di far le guardie alla marina, …e di non curarsi  di dormire nel Castello. [5]

In the following year, Fu l’Isola di Malta, mentre le dette Galere assenti se ne stettero, molto da’ Corsali infestata, e molestata…nel Freo fermandosi, molti danni facevano. [6]

In 1544, Draguto…con dieci Vaselli…si voltò per dare il guasto all isola del Gozo. Però il Cavalier Fra Giouanni Ximenes…Gouernatore…costrinse i Turchi à reimbarcare; rimanendoui morto nella carica, che riceuerono, il proprio Fratello di Draguto. [7]

It was perhaps out of vengeance for the loss of his brother on this occasion that Dragut was so determined on the total destruction of Gozo seven years later. In the meantime, in 1545,

…capitate erano al Gozo cinque Galeotte d’Infedeli; le quali [furono] discacciate dal Freo à furia di cannonate…, [8] and in 1546,

Draguto invano insidiate hauendo le Galere della Religione…riuolse lo sdegno suo contro Gozitani; e per essere il tempo, che si tagliauano le biade, fece disegno di fare Schiaua una gran moltitudine di Metitori. [9]

Again in 1547, Dragut…messe…genti in terra, dalla parte di Marsa Sirocco, ad una Cala detta Hayn Ramont…prese trecento Anime…[ma fù] costretto à ritirarsi, lasciando più della metà de prigioneri. [10]

Dragut practically owned the place, coming and going as he pleased. In fact, one finds that in 1550

Draguto…sperando di poter pigliare lingua: e d’haver certo e sicuro auiso de’ progressi dell’Armata Christiana:…à quindici di Luglio s’andò à porre nel Freo, fra’ l’Isole di Malta, e del Gozo. …[Et] havendo fatta la sua acquata al Gozo; …nauigò alla volta di Barbaria. [11]

2. The Depopulation of 1551

The invasion in July 1551 by Sinan Pasha and Dragut Rais can be interpreted as a climax in a sustained escalation of pressure on the Order intended to oust it for good and gain supremacy in the central and western Mediterranean. [12] As had happened in earlier times, so too on this occasion, the enemy hit at Gozo, the easier prey, the soft belly of the fortified islands. Having landed on Malta, reconnoitered the newly-constructed fortifications on St. Angelo [13]  and hovered around Notabile, the Armada  headed towards Gozo and its weakly defended Castello. The near-comptemporary chronicler of the Order, Giacomo Bosio records:

…Cominciò à battere le muraglie, nel Venerdì à 24. di Luglio, mez’hora inanzi al giorno, & andò sempre con gran furia, e con fracasso continuando fin alla seguente Domenica. [14] 

The exertions “di un sol Bombardiero Inglese trovato nel Castello” were soon silenced for good and the end became inevitable. Bosio recounts eye-witness accounts of the finale:

Dicono, e raccontano ancor hoggidi’ i vecchi Gozitani, con gran Passione della rouina della Patria loro; che’l Gouernatore sopradetto [Fra Galatiano de Sesse] sbigottito, e quasi del tutto smarrito, rimesse le cose all’arbitrio della fortuna. Talmente, che parendo à quel popolo, d’essere rimaso senza capo: molti di esso calandosi con funi giù dalle muraglie, da quella banda, doue i Turchi accampati non erano; per la commodità d’alcune case, c’haueuano le finestre nell’ istesse muraglie, procurauano di saluarsi almeno la vita… La conchiusione in somma di questa Tragedia fù, che Domenica à ventisei di Luglio; renduto… essendosi à patti quel Castello, furono aperte le Porte à Nimici; … messero ogni cosa à sacco, & in rouina: senza ritrouar alcuno, che gli facesse resistenza; da un Soldato Siciliano impoi; La cui fortezza d’animo, ò più tosto barbara, e cruda ferocità, tacere non si debbe… Posciach’ in tal modo morendo, liberò se stesso, e la famiglia sua dall’obbrobrio, e dalla dura seruitù, e schiauitudine; nella quale settecento Huomini condotti furono. E da cinque, in sei mila Anime, frà Donne, e Fanciulli.

Il Bascia… fece metter in libertà quaranta Poueracci vecchi decrepiti, stroppiati, e quasi dal tutto inutili. [Et]… havendo à tutto poter suo fatto rouinar il Castello, e dar il guasto all’Isola; dopo haver fatto diligentemente cercare, senza poter trouar alcuno di quei Gozitani, ch’ascosi essendosi nelle Grotte, s’erano saluati, si torno’ ad imbarcare con l’artigliarie, e con l’Essercito. Et hauendo aspettato il tempo propitio, uscendo dal Freo, sciolse con tutta l’armata, alla volta di Barbaria al penultimo giorno di Luglio.

Partita che fù l’Armata dell’Isola del Gozo, il Gran Maestro, & il Consiglio mandarono quiui le Galere: le quali hauendo raccolto tutto il rimanente delle vettouaglie, che vi potero trouare, lo portarono à scaricar in Malta, insieme con quei pochi Gozitani, che rimasi v’erano. I quali dopo ch’alquanto furon cessati i sospetti della vicina Armata, tornarono à ripatriare, sotto la cura, e gouerno del Caualier Fra Pietro d’Oliuares, che… ristaurò al meglio, che si potè, con gran diligenza il Castello; & attese à far seminare, & à rihabitare pian piano l’isola. Nella quale, essendo nate infinite liti, per cagione de’ Morti, e de’gli Schiaui; Furono per questo deputati alcuni Commendatori Antiani… conseruando à ciascuno le ragioni sue. [15] 

3. The Resettlement

3.1 The Problem

The foregoing description amply documents:
(i) how some 5500 Gozitans were taken into slavery in July 1551,
(ii) that of these, some 700 were men,
(iii) that 40 old men were spared,
(iv) that an undefined number of able-bodied men managed to escape the final catastrophe, and
(v) that this depopulation gave rise to several litigations concerning the captives’ property.

This situation raises the following problems on the resettlement of Gozo, which questions are addressed in the rest of this paper:
(i) What happened to this great multitude of people?
(ii) How many never made it back to their island home?
(iii) Who were the Gozitans who were never captured or did return from slavery and what became of them?
(iv) How was Gozo resettled so that in about a century its population had reached its pre-1551 level?
(v) What became of the captives’ property, particularly their lands?

3.2 The Sources

What evidence there is for the information available is mainly gleaned from the deeds of notaries working in Gozo during the period under review: 1551-ca. 1600. The more important of these were the Gozitan notary Don Lorenzo de Apapis (1540-1583), and the two Maltese notaries Thomas Gauci (1557-1616) and Ferdinando Ciappara (1573-1610) [16]  The deeds of these notaries are particularly illuminating because, more often than not, the parties are described both by their nationality as well as by their habitual place of residence. Other notarial records are less extensively tapped. This information is buttressed by the Baptismal, Marriage and Death records of the period, embodied in the single register, starting in 1554, held at the Episcopal Curia in Gozo. [17]  This register accounts both for the Matrice as well as for the parish of St. George, Rabat, as its title (on f.1) indicates:

Liber Ba[tizatorum] /in parrochia gau[…]/endo a p° mense 7b/factus et ordinatus per/Leonardum de Cace dic[tae] parro/chie Indignum Rectore [m].

The records thereafter are held separately in the two parishes; Volume I of the Matrice starts in August 1603, whereas the earliest, Volume II (sic), of St. George’s starts in 1625.

Evidence for the population of pre-1551 Gozo derives mainly from the “Crociata List” [18]  analyzed by Wettinger [19], as well as from the copy of 1545 of notarial deeds relating to the benefices of the Gozitan Church and dating back to 1435 [20]

3.3 Gozitan Survivors

That life in Gozo was re-established soon after 1551, with a certain degree of normality, can be ascertained both from the notarial deeds of Lorenzo de Apapis which start again, after a two-year interruption, on 28th October 1553, [21] as well as from the baptismal records that start on 27th September 1554. It is of interest to note that the surnames that appear first are all typically Gozitan. The first few baptismal records read:

Io do(n) leonardo de cace curato baptizavi a Ioanna de Nic(ola)o de Manueli li p(at)rini foro paulo vella (a) la porta don Jac(ob)o tavula in fonte et Ant(oni) o Theobaldo in evangelio

…M(ast)ro…flamingo bombarderi li patrini foro Andrea Santoro a la porta et M(ast)ro ferranti hamayra in fonte et (..)gelio.

Adi 25 di Aprile del 55 Georgio de Ant(oni)o Teobaldo…patrini Salvaturi Montag(nes) paulo Navarra et Salvaturi Platamunj.

These surnames, De Caci, De Manueli, Theobaldo, Santoro, D’Avola, Apap, (Ha)Maira, Montagnes, Navarra, Plathamone, are all typically Gozitan, most of them appearing exclusively there in contemporary and earlier documents. They are also associated with the more well-to-do families, so that one is inclined to conclude that these were the people who were first redeemed from slavery.

Other Gozitan surnames that occur very soon after 1551 are Bonnici, Beniabin, de Laurerio, Madiona, [22]  De Luchia, Calabachi, Sansuni, De Marino, Parnis, Nicolachi and Basili [23]

The following table includes those surnames of individuals explicity described as “Gaulitanus”, as opposed to Melitensis or Siculus and so on, by Notaries Gauci and Ciappara and who were living in Gozo – “habitator hujus terre et Insule Gaudisii” – between 1557 and 1586. They therefore represent those who either managed to escape capture altogether or were redeemed from slavery. The entries are subdivided into three subsets covering the decades 1557-66, 1567-76, 1577-86, respectively

Table I

1557-1566

(Al)garia, (A)ragonisi, Bacbac, Bongibino, Cavallino, Cefai, Cini, Chappisa, Cozullura, Gaduara, Gamich, Hordob, Kettut, Kinzi, Mannara, Mejlaq, Refalo, (De)Rigio, Vella;

1567-1576

(A)maira, Anfa(n)sino, (H)apap(is), Balistrera, (De la)Barba, Bercax, (De)Bisco(n), Bringheli, (De)Caci(s), Castelletta, Caxaro, Chabarra, Ciappara, Cremona, Critelli, Dallo, [p.208] Dandalona, Dighif, (In)fantin(o), Gentil(i), Guarreri, Gurabe, Machnuc, Magro, (De)Manueli, Mompalao, Navarra, (De)Nicolachio, Sala, Sans, Sanson, Santoro, (De)Scotia, Theume, Xiricha;

1577-1586

(De)Anastasio, Bayada, Barberi, Bonnici, Chumi, (De lo E)piscopo, Finara, Gauci, (C)haber, (De)Luchia, Madiona, Mintuf, Mochtara, Modlum, (O)rigiles, Parnis, Plathamone, Pontremoli, Scavuni, Vagnolo.

References for Table I are grouped in Appendix I.

Other typically Gozitan surnames that are not found in this list drawn from notarial records but which are encountered in the register of Baptisms and Marriages of 1554-1628 include the following:

Table II

(D’)Alagona, (D’)Avula, Basili, Bianco, Brunetto, Chetcuti, Dolfin, Farmusa, Ferriolo, (De)Federico, Fontana, Gambino, Laureri, Lombardo, (De)Marino, Merchica, Montagnes, Munbron, Rapa, Riera(?), Saguna, Saliba, Soria, (De)Theobaldo, Xeibe, Xiberras.

One can be quite sure that most of the persons listed in Appendix II with surnames in Table 2 are of Gozitan stock in spite of the fact that the ecclesiastical records hardly ever make any reference to locality of origin. However, the more common surnames like Farmusa, Saguna, Saliba and Xebiras, which Gozo shared with Malta, present a problem as there is evidence of Maltese migrating to Gozo precisely during this period. Details of this migration are dealt with later.

Other records include: Bercax, (De)Bernardo, (In)Fantin, Ferulla, Frontina, Laureri, Mercieca, Sabat, Sahona and Theuma [24]

One concludes that these lists taken together account for most of the surnames appearing in the Crociata List of 1533 as well as for others not figuring there. The ones not accounted for are the following:

Agueina, (D’)Aluisa, Baruni, Bellia, Buhagiar, Calimera, Cap, Cappellano, Cianba, Coleiro, Darmanno, Delia, Ebejer, Falzon, Farrugia, Florentina (=? Frontina), Frankinu, (Di)Gerardu, Giarda, Lazu, Lazarun, Marinara, (Di)Micheli, Mollica, Peregrino, Rekic, Sammut, Xaura, Xluc, Xucula, and Zabbar.

One can safely deduce that the people represented by the surnames: Agueina, (D’)Aluisa, Calimera, Cianba, (Di)Gerardu, Giarda, Lazu, Lazarun, Marinara, Xaura, Xluc, and Xucula, ended their days in slavery as these surnames are never encountered again either in Gozo or in Malta, except occasionally as place-names.[25]

3.4 The Captives

There were, of course, several others with surnames appearing in Tables I and II who were still captives decades after 1551. Yet the fact that practically all pre-1551 surnames actually re-surface after the tragedy is very surprising indeed. In search of an explanation, one seeks to quantify Bosio’s “molti”, who in desperation scaled down the sheer north face of the Citadel, taking into account the 1:5 ratio of “able-bodied males” : “total population.” [26] Considering the total population, made up of the 5500 or so taken, together with the 40 old men released and an unknown number X of escapees, as being five times the total number of able-bodied males, consisting of some 700 taken and the X escapees, the resulting straightforward equation (5500 + 40 + X) = 5(700 + X) is readily seen to have solution X = 510. If there were some 500 surname-propagating males in Gozo immediately after the catastrophe, then the hundred or so males listed in Appendices I and II were in all probability and in their majority escapees and that only a small number of male captives, namely the very well-off, were actually redeemed. Using entirely different sources and drawing on his knowledge of slavery at the time, Wettinger [27] comes to the same conclusion when he asserts that “most of the adult male (captives) were soon ‘used up’ helping to man the oars of the large Ottoman fleet of galleys.”

References to captives are found all over the place. In the same paper, Wettinger gives some of the names of these unfortunte Gozitans and argues convincingly that Constantinople was the city where they were dragged to and where they pined away.

His evidence for Constantinople is corroborated by other data. This was the case with “magnifica Donna Damma relicta quondam Magnifici Antonij Rapa de terra et Insula Gaudisij dyocesis Meliveti olim captiva Infidelium modo vero libera et franca de suo captiverio existens in hac civitate Constantinopolis”; her will was drawn up on 14th May 1555 by Notary Don Lorenzo de Apapis (sic) “apud civitatem Constantinopolim tutus cortile domorum Magnifici domini oratoris Sacre Majestatis Domini Regis Francorum.” [28] The daughter of Petrus Salibe was also known to have been led captive to Constantnople: [29] 

Item desiderando isso testatori di riscatarj et liberarj del cattiverio alcuna delle sue figle sclave…delli sarraceni seu Infedeli della fe catholica et specialmente ad Angela sua figlia laq(u)al(e) si ritrova sclava in lacita di constandnopoli.

Not all were as fortunate as Magnifica Donna Damma Rapa who was freed within four years of her capture. It is asserted by the Augustinian friar, Fra Paulo Bajada, that he had spent more than fourteen years in captivity and that his parents were still unredeemed. He was freed through the efforts of some merchants who followed him to Gozo to be remunerated for their exertions (Vide Appendix V).

Among unredeemed captives Wettinger lists the following: Ioannes Axac, Paula wife of Andreas Chappara, Paulina wife of Dominicus Gambino, Antonia wife of Mathias de Manuele, Ysabella de Manuele, Ioanna wife of Fidericus Mongebino, Scania wife of Ioannes Nicolachi, Don Johannes Rapa, Decia wife of Matheus Saliba, and Inigus Vagnolo. He also produces evidence of how poor and inadequate was the response to the appeal for funds for the redemption of the captives. Little wonder therefore that decades after the tragedy the following were either known to have been still unredeemed or had died in captivity:

Gismundo di Alagona and his sons, Salvus Apap, Antonio and Angela Bajada, Gullielmo de Biscon, the sons of Antonio Cavallino, Leonardo Chappara, Ioannes Dallo, Malgarita de Federico, Peruna the wife of Andriotta Gambino, Ioannella the widow of Andriotta Gambino, Leonardo Gamich, Gregorio Haius, Antoni Hordob, Dianora de Manuele and her daughters Ysabella and Beatrice, Malgarita the widow of Antonio Merchic, Paulina the wife of Gregorio Merchic, Martin Mule, Bernardus Parnis, Ioannella the wife of Leonardo Rapa, Matheo Rapa, Margarita Rogiles, Thomasio Said, Imperia Saliba, Paulo Theume, Dionysio Vella, Hieronymo Xicalune and Lucas Xiricha. [30] 

3.5 Gozitans in Sicily

Other Gozitan surnames like Rechic and Tellerixio are not to be found in Tables I and II because, having been redeemed from slavery or not having been captured in the first place, several Gozitans fled to the comparative safety of the fortifications in Malta or even went abroad to Sicily. Table III (details in Appendix III) includes those Gozitans for whose permanenece in Sicily evidence exists in the notarial records.

Table III

Petrus Bacbac at Agrigento, Francesco Balistrera at Trapani, Ioannes Balistrera at Agrigento, Andriottas Balistrera at Heraclia, Leonardus and Jacoba Barnaba at Sciacca, Jacobus de le Boffi at Sciacca, Magnificus Salvator Caxaro at Heraclia, Dominicus and Salvator Chettut, Georgius Cini at Trapani, Antonius Finara at Sciacca, Magister Angelus Gaduara at Agrigento, Paulus Hordob at Messina, Michael de Luchia at Heraclia, Magnifica Malgarita Malatesta et Nicosia, Petrus Mintuf at Sciacca, Petrus Rikic at Licata, Paulus Saliba at Licata, Zaccarias Saliba at Heraclia, Petrus Subtili and family at Licata, Francina Tellerixo at Agrigento, and Francesco Theuma at Xicli.

Other Gozitans like Hyeronima Balistrera, Federicu Cattut, Antonio Chinsi, Antonius Gauci, Jacobus Gurabe and Tuchio Theuma [31]  had left Gozo for Malta or Sicily even before 1551. They may have been impelled to do so for a variety of reasons ranging from work conditions to kith and kin attractions, or simply for having interpreted correctly the writing on the wall.

One should not underestimate the closeness of family connexions with Sicilians and interpret in this light the appreciable number of Sicilian surnames both on Malta and in Gozo. [32] Some Gozitans were unquestionably of Sicilian extraction, such as for example, “Nicolaus de Lucia alias Siracusano” [33] and “Guillelmus de Manuele alias Mollica.” [34]  It is claimed by Wettinger (personal communication) that some had been exiled to Gozo from Sicily. Also worth noting is the high incidence of, for example, the surnames Balistreri, (La)Barberi, (Lo)Capo, (Di)Guirrera, (La)Sala, and Vaccaro in Sicily at the time, in the Communi of Augusta, Giarratana and Gangi alone. [35] This goes a long way to explain both why so many Gozitan Balistreras were to be found in Sicily at the time (Vide Table III) and how the surname came to near-extinction in these islands.

A lot has been made of the numbers of Maltese, and presumbaly also of Gozitans, who were allegedly evacuated to Sicily prior to 1565. [36] If the bandi of 14.i.1561, 24.i.1561 and 10.iv.1565, [37]  offering free passage out of these islands to gente inutile, were availed of at all, then the people involved certainly do not tally with the passengers to Sicily whose numbers have been quoted. A perusal of the relevant document [38]  shows that the great majority of these passengers were in fact foreigners and male, not gente inutile. Out of the 765 who left in 1564, for example, only the following could have been Gozitans:

Dominico Chettut, Stefanu Gentil, Cola Gozitano, Hercole Gozitano, Vincenzo Finarin, Baptista Gambino, Cola de Rigio, Martino di Sala, and Domenico Zabar. [39] 

Repetitions of names, such as that of Stefano Gentil, suggest that in such cases the reason for travel was work (e.g. member of crew, business in Sicily) rather than migration.

3.5 Gozitans in Malta

Other Gozitans yet looked for safety behind the fortifications of Malta. Again, the numbers for which evidence exists in the early years are not very impressive. The following table (references in Appendix IV) lists these and includes names of probable Gozitan origin.

Table IV

Andreas Amayra at Senglea (?), Antonella de Amfasino at Vittoriosa, Ferdinandus de Anastasio at Senglea, Nicolaus Petrus Balistrera, Antonius Bonnich at Vittoriosa, Paulo de li Buffi at Senglea, Geronima Cangura at Qormi, Antonius Cappellano at Mdina, Andreotta Cattut at Birgu, Manfre Dandalona at Qormi, Leonardus Gaduara at Birkirkara, Antonius Guarreri at Bormla, Andreas Guarrer at Senglea, Vintura Hordob at Vittoriosa, Thomas Hordob at Vittoriosa, Matheus Mahnuc at Rabat, Fangius de Manuele at Rabat, Ioannes Mintuf at Senglea, the Navarra Family, Lucas Saguna at Casal Chibir, Andreas Sueyde at Valletta and Joannes Xeiba at Vittoriosa.

One notes that numbers tended not to decrease with time. This may be accounted for both by the continued threat of raids by Barbary corsairs who kept up the pressure, particularly on Gozo, right to the end of the century, [40] as well as by gravitational  forces towards Valletta and the Three Cities (for socio-economic reasons) operative on a much larger scale at the time in Malta. [41] 

Worth noting is the distribution of Gozitan surnames in Malta in 1687. [42]  All 16 Fontanas are at Valletta. Each of the surnames Amaira, Cavallino, Fnara and Mintuf is to be found only at Senglea. Of the 44 Merciecas, 39 are at Cottonera and at nearby Tarxien; of the 30 Madionas, 12 are at Cottonera and the rest in Valletta; 4 out of the 6 Bajjadas are at Cottonera; 29 out of 41 Ciumis are at Cospicua and Senglea; half the Dandalonas are at Cottonera and 11 out of 35 Theumas are at Vittoriosa.

Of considerable linguistic interest are certain speech peculiarities common to Gozitans and to inhabitants of Cottonera. Particular reference is made to the uvular pronunciation (q) common in those two geographically unrelated regions in contrast with the glottal stop (’), for the same consonant, encountered everywhere else in Malta. A thorough analysis of this and of similar phenomena awaits treatment by an expert in the field. What can be said here is that influence could not have been mutual but must have taken place only in the direction Gozo – Cottonera, and not vice-versa. Evidence of this migration has just been exhibited; that no migration took place in the opposite direction will be shown later.

In sharp contrast with the rather meagre evidence for Gozitan post-1551 presence in Gozo, the records, both notarial and ecclesiastical, abound with information about Maltese and Sicilians, particularly the former, settling pretty permanenly to fill in the vacuum created by the absentee Gozitans. The motivations behind this pretty massive migration into Gozo are considered later.

3.6 Sicilian Immigrants

Starting with the foreigners first, each of the individuals listed in Table V, is described by his locality of origin, practically always some town in Sicily, and as habitator hujus terre et Insule Gaudisij, or some such phrase. The order is chronological.

A couple of entries in this Table are of great interest. The occurrence “Petrus de Soltano Siculus et habitator hujus terre et Insule Gaudisij” both represents the earliest appearance of the surname Sultana in these islands [43] and answers the question raised by Wettinger concerning the enigmatic absence of this seemingly Semitic surname from medieval lists. That Petrus cast his roots at Gozo is evident from the baptismal register which records the baptism of the child his wife Ventura bore him.[44]  The patchiness of the documentation from this period conceals the birth of other offspring and of Petro’s marriage.

Other foreign surnames in this list that survived in these islands for an appreciable length of time are Parascandalo, found also to-day, Carnemolla, still encountered in Gozo more than two centuries later,[45]  Pisci, found later at Żebbuġ (Malta), [46] and del Giante, common at Senglea well into the 19th century.

 

Table V (Foreigners in Gozo: 1557-1583)

Date Name Nationality/Place of Origin
25.iv.1557
1.ix.1561
17.x.1567
27.iv.1568
4.xi.1568
25.vi.1569
25.vi.1569
22.viii.1569
8.vii.1571
15.vii.1570
28.ix.1570
8.xii.1571
19.xii.1571
8.ii.1572
26.ii.1572
29.iv.1572
21.viii.1572
1.x.1572
22.x.1572
29.xii.1572
31.iii.1573
20.iv.1573
29.iv.1573
1.v.1573
5.x.1575
20.iv.1577
6.ii.1578
17.ix.1578
1.ix.1580
3.ix.1580
3.ix.1580
12.iv.1583
Pocurobba, Jacobus
Pixi, Antonius de
Pariscandalo, Nobilis Joannes Maria
Laurentio, Nobilis Jacobus de
Marino, Joannes de
Chirino, Nicolao
Reveddu, Antonius
Soltano, Petrus de
Chiaramonti, Vincentius
Zalubriki, Michael
Xacca, Nicolao de
Xurida, Vincentio de
Franco, Arphyus de
Canteda, Santorus
Cincomani, Ioannes
Florina, Bernardinus de
Cuchinella, Philippus
Calimera, Andreas
Sudano, Petrus
Fava, Joannes
Straquadaino, Magistro Paulo
Cantella, Santoro
Rabbito, Matheus
Allegro, Ioannes
Metaddo, Mariano
Cascon, Guglelmus
Metallo, Marianus
Carnimolla, Bastianus
Hernandes, Thomas
Gianti, Hieronymi de
Ziza, Franciscus
Gliacca, Magister Andreas
Siculus
de Montileone
Neapolitanus
de Verona
de terra Bizini R(egni) S(icilie)
Siculo
Siculus de Civitate Modice RS
Siculus
Siculus
?
Siculo
Siculo
Siculus
Siculus
Siculus
Siculus
Siculus
de terra Raphudali RS
Napolitanus
de Civitate Nari RS
Modicano
Siculo
Siculus
Gallicus
de terra Mohac (i.e. Modica)
Gallicus
(vide supra)
Scarparius Syracusanus
Lusitanus
Graeci
Siculus de civitate Mohac
Siculus

Of particular linguistic interest are the Sicilian surnames Metaddo, Canteda and Reveddu. They exhibit the phenomenon  widespread in Sicily and other Southern Italian regions. [47] It is highly intriguing as to why the linguistic area where it is manifested should exclude the Maltese islands. The documentation presented here gauges the resistance presented in Gozo to this transition. Sicilian émigrés bring with them surnames pronounced in the only way familiar to themselves (i.e. as -dd-), but are forced to revert to the -ll- pronounciation within the space of a couple of years in the foreign Gozitan environment. Cantella appears almost contemporaneously with Canteda (See Table V) and Metaddo reverts to Metallo similarly. [48]  Reveddu is not encountered again later.

This kind of cultural pressure that warps and moulds the language manifests itself whenever mutually alien cultural tendencies come in contact. It is a mere platitude to state that the weaker minority ends up accommodating the less resilient majority, wherever this occurs, be it on Maltese/Gozitan soil, as exhibited, or equally in a Sicilian milieu. This must have been the case with the Gozitan Petrus Rikic (Irqiq / the thin) (see Appendix III) who migrated with his family to Licata and there adopted the less jarring and more accommodating translation Subtili of his surname. In fact, in the deed of 15.vii.1586 to which his mother Vincentia Rekic was a party (R287/13 f.167v), he is referred to as Petrus Subtili alias Rikic. The surname Subtili, fairly common in Sicily at the time, is encountered a century earlier in Malta (Not. G. Zabbara R494/1(II)(13.iii.1494) f.99v). It is well-known, of course, that during the stepped-up Europeanization of 16th century Malta, it was becoming fashionable to change one’s Semitic surname in this way; standard instances quoted are Dejf = Magro (a translation that stuck) and Psaila = Cipolla (a still-born creation).

3.7 Maltese Immigrants

By far the most abundant records relate to Maltese who emigrated to Gozo. The following list includes those who are known to have settled permanenly in Gozo, so that cases described as “reperiens in presenti hic Gaudisij” or “in presenti hic Gaudisij existens,” indicating a transitory presence, are excluded. Each individual is described as Melitensis and as habitator hujus terre et Insule Gaudisij; in most cases, the village or town of origin is also given.

 Table VI (Maltese Immigrants: 1557-1585)

Locality of Origin in Malta Date Person
Attard
Attard
Attard
Balzan
Balzan
Birkirkara
Birkirkara
Bisqallin
Bisqallin
Bisqallin
Bordi
Bordi
Bordi
Bordi
Bubaqra
Dingli
Farruġ
Għargħur
Għargħur
Għargħur
Għargħur
Għargħur
Għargħur
Għaxaq
Għaxaq
12.xi.1574
26.ix.1575
19.ix.1581
11.viii.1564
26.iii.1571
15.iv.1573
17.vii.1579
2 ix.1580
22.ix.1580
28.ix.1580
23.viii.1558
20.v.1570
29.i.1572
25.iii.1572
24.iii.1565
13.ix.1580
3.ix.1580
10.12.1561
25.viii.1564
5.xii.1567
10.iv.1572
26.ix.1575
12.ix.1580
1.ix.1580
1.ix.1581
Flamengo, Petrus qdm. Pauli
Attardo, […] qdm. leonardi
Vella, Dionysius qdm. Dalmai
Mifsud, Augustinus
Parnis, Jacobus
Grima, Pasqualis
Grillo, Dominica mulier vidua relicta qdm. Jacobi
Zahra, Thomas Silvestri
Aczuppard, Mariano qdm. Thome
Baldacchino, Vincentius Dancij
Zarb, Hieronymus qdm. Dominici
Canchun, Angelus
Cassano, Ioannes
Canchun, Clara puella virgo filia Angeli et Imperie
Zammit, Michael
Camilleri, Mariano qdm. Ioannis
Gambino, Ambrosius Pauli
Chaxixe, Jacobus filius qdm. Magistri Dionysii
Canchun, Simon
Sammut, Agnes mulier uxor Leonardi
Bezine, Laurentius
Burg, Pancratio qdm. Georgij
Mellechi, Marianus Ioannis
Bonnichi, Antonius
Bonnichi, Leonardus qdm. Antonij

 Table VI (Continuation 1)

Locality of Origin in Malta Date Person
Gudja
Gudja
Kbir
Lija
Lija
Lija
Lija
Lija
Luqa
Luqa
Luqa
Luqa
Millieri
Mosta
Mosta
Mosta
Mosta
Mosta
Naxxar
Naxxar
Naxxar
Naxxar
Naxxar
Naxxar
Naxxar
.
.
.
3.vii.1576
13.ix.1580
8.xi.1568
30.v.1566
.
12.ix.1580
12.ix.1580
15.ix.1580
15.xi.1568
1.xi.1575
11.i.1577
2.ix.1580
12.i.1562
13.ii.1562
8.xi.1575
1.ix.1580
1.ix.1580
12.ix.1580
12.i.1562
16.i.1562
18.ix.1564
7.i.1568
30.x.1568
15.xi.1568
21.ii.1575
.
.
Dirbes, Dominicus Simonis
Vella, Dominicus Simonis
Cakie, Francia mulier vidua relicta qdm. Luce
Bertelli, Ioanna puella virgo filia qdm. Michaelis
Bertelli et Paole viventis olim jugalium.
Galie, Simon qdm. Petri
Vella, Blasius qdm. Juliani
Attard, Leonardo qdm. Ioanni Pauli
Pisayle, Marcus
Bisaile, Silvester qdm. Martij
Seichel, Paulus qdm. Andree
Vella, Nicolao qdm. Bartholomei
Camilleri, Gregorius
Xebirras, Ioannnes
Attardo, Damma mulier uxor Thome
Xerri, Lemo
Sammut, Dominicus
Vella, Leonardo qdm. Francisci
Spiteri, Johannes
Galie, Gregorius
Canchun, Simon
Zarb, Franciscus
Spiteri, Bendu
Stivala, Leonardus
Galata: Markisia mulier vidua relicta qdm.
Ferrandi de Mayra…concessit Manfredo Galata
de casali Naxaro eius fratri. (Marriage ca.1567
Vide: AEG Lib. Bapt. I (13.i.1568) 18v).

Table VI (Continuation 2)

Locality of Origin in Malta Date Person
Naxxar (ctd.)
Naxxar
Naxxar
Naxxar
Naxxar
Notabile
.
Notabile
Notabile
Qormi
Qormi
Qormi
Qrendi
Rabat
Rabat
Rabat
Rabat
.
.
Rabat
Rabat
Rabat
Rabat
Rabat
Safi
7.iii.1578
27.vii.1578
12.ix.1580
8.iii.1585
.
1557
.
7.1.1562
9.x.1568
6.x.1575
29.ix.1565
28.ix.1568
12.ix.1580
22.ix.1568
5.ii.1562
16.x.1564
6.v.1569
1573
.
.
25.viii.1578
5.vii.1579
2.ix.1580
26.ix.1580
26.ix.1580
17.iv.1566
Fenec, Ferrandus
Portelli, Ioanni
Spiteri, Dominicus dictus Sennuc qdm. Francisci
Zambac, Catharina filia virgini in capillis qdm
Pauli Zambac etatis annorum viginti.
Gauchi, Not. Thomas (civis Notabilis Civitatis
Melite)
Cassar, Magnificus Alphonsus
Haius, Gregorius filius qdm. Ioannis
Ferriolo, Michael
Schembri, Bertus
Cardona, Blasius
Burg, Berto qdm. Angeli
Mangion. Ambrosius filius qdm. Bendi
Cumbo, Paulus
Debono, Dominicus
Xeibe, Mastro Berto
Ciappara, Not. Ferdinando (de Rabbato Civitatis)
(Vide: Not. A. Sillato Ms 1068/1 Bundle III
(2.i.1593) unpaginated.)
Dusi, Ysabella mulier soluta filia qdm. Andree
Liftech, magister Vincentius ferrarius
Cumbo, Ioanello qdm. Pauli
Grima, Vincentius
DeGuivara, Magister Antonius qdm. Ioannis
Vella, Nicolaus filius Bartholomei

Table VI (Continuation 3)

Locality of Origin in Malta Date Person
Siggiewi
Siggiewi
Siggiewi
Siggiewi
Siggiewi
Siggiewi
Siggiewi
Siggiewi
Siggiewi
Siggiewi
Siggiewi
Siggiewi
Xluq
Żebbuġ
Żebbuġ
Żebbuġ
Żebbuġ
Żebbuġ
Żebbuġ
Żebbuġ
Żebbuġ
Żebbuġ
Żebbuġ
Żebbuġ
24.x.1565
17.iv.1566
30.ix.1568
8.ix.1578
5.ix.1580
.
6.ix.1580
8.ix.1580
10.ix.1580
10.ix.1580
16.ix.1580
20.ix.1580
8.ix.1580
16.xi.1562
18.viii.1564
6,9.xii.1564
29.ix.1565
28.ix.1568
28.ix.1568
12.xi.1575
14.xi.1575
1.ix.1580
3.ix.1580
17.ix.1580
Bonello, Joannes
Tabuni, Ioannes et Angela jugales
Pachi, Aloysio
Axac, Dominicus filius qdm. Mikelis
Cafor, Ambrosius qdm. pauli… concedit Angelo
Cacħie (sic) qdm. Luce.
Miczi, Andreas Angeli
Mamo, Petro
Pachj, Marianus qdm. Leonardi
Calleya, Ioannes qdm. Bendi
Bonello, Zacharias Ioannes
Mamo, Andreas
Mangion, Andreas Blasij
Burg, Antonius dictus Tingheire
Maniun, Petrus
Gatt, Andreas dictus Langro filius qdm. Marci
Attardo, Marco
Borg, Paulus dictus nuaitar
Zahra, dominicus
DeBrincato, Ioanni qdm. Mathei
Mamo, Marcus qdm. Luce
Burg, Simon
Vella, Nicolaus qdm. Therami
Paris, Vincentius

 Table VI (Continuation 4)

Locality of Origin in Malta Date Person
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Żurrieq
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
13.ii.1562
15.vii.1562
28.xii.1562
18.ix.1564
20.x.1564
29.ix.1565
15.vii.1573
17.ix.1575
26.ix.1575
2.ix.1580
6.ix.1580
14.ix.1580
.
15.ix.1580
15.ix.1580
25.x.1581
6.viii.1557
3.xi.1557
9.ii.1562
28.xii.1562
9.iv.1564
24.x.1565
2.x.1568
?.ix.1575
22.ix.1575
Saliba, Salvus
Xicalune, Hieronymus
Callus, Antonius
Saliba, Vincentius manumissus de
Carcheppo, Augustus et Angela jugales
Chili, Ioannes
Habdille, Silvester
Saliba, Matheus Salvi
Miccj, Antonio qdm. Iosephi
Vella. Czacharias qdm. Nicolai
Cassar, Francesco qdm. Mathei
Micci, Antonio qdm. Filippi et Oliverio
Micci, patri et filio.
Camilleri, Mariano
Cacħie, Dominicus Joannis
Callus, Dominicus qdm. Vincentij
Casha, Egregio Notario Carolo
Tabuni, Antonius
Sapiano, Matheus
Muscat, Iorlando
Carbot, Thomas
Haius, ioannes galtir
Grego, Dominico
Zammit, Zacharias
Zammit, Simon Petri

Table VI (Continuation 5)

Locality of Origin in Malta Date Person
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
Unidentified
26.ix.1575
26.ix.1575
28.ix.1575
3.x.1575
18.x.1575
3.xi.1575
12.xi.1575
14.xi.1575
14.xi.1575
4.iv.1577
16.xii.1577
1.ix.1580
2.ix.1580
2.ix.1580
3.ix.1580
3.ix.1580
3.ix.1580
7.ix.1580
10.ix.1580
10.ix.1580
10.ix.1580
12.ix.1580
17.ix.1580
26.ix.1580
DeAlbano, Jacobus qdm. Salvi
Attardo, Petrus qdm. Andree
Spiteri, Antonius qdm. Ioannis dictus Brondina
Haius, Antoninus qdm. Thome necnon et Sebastiana eius uxor.
Mallia, Antonius Berti
Bonnich, Ioannes Paulus qdm. Antonij
Bigenj, Marcus qdm. Simonis
Chiantar, Petrus
Mangion, Benedictus Blasijf.
Borg, Jacobus filius Gregorij
Cumbo, Dominicus, filius qdm. Ioannis
Xuereb, Jacobus qdm. Demetrij
Vella Dionisius Francisci
Bigeni, Stephanus qdm. Marci
Mule, Martinus filius qdm. Marci
Grima, Ioannes Pasqualis
Spiteri, Philippus qdm. Ioannis dicti Brondina
Sammut, Thomas dictus Hudic(?)
Mellechi, Andreas filius Ioannis
Vella, Marianus qdm. Dalmai
Frendo, Josephus Pauli
Haius, Gregorius
Carcheppo, Cosmano Augustini
Attardo, Ioannes Paulus

The 100 or so names whose origin in Malta is known (vide Table VI) are broken down by area of provenance in Table VII, which table also gives these numbers expressed as a percentage of the 1590 population. [49]  It is seen that this percentage for the Żurrieq area is appreciably highly than that for each of the other centres.

 

TABLE VII

Place of origin in Malta Number of émigrés Population in 1590 %
Attard, Balzan, Birkirkarra
Bordi, Lija
Għargħur, Mosta, Naxxar, Dingli, Notabile, Rabat
Kbir, Qormi, Siġġiewi, Xluq, Żebbuġ
Bisqallin, Farruġ, Għaxaq, Gudja, Luqa
Bubaqra, Millieri, Qrendi, Safi, Żurrieq
16
21
14
.
28
12
.
21
3281
2333
2030
.
4817
1770 ca.
.
1880 ca.
0.49
0.90
0.68
.
0.58
0.67
.
1.11

Considering next the distribution of these names in time, the following histogram shows an oscillating rate of growth of emigration into Gozo with troughs following immediately the tragic years of 1551 and 1565, and reaching an over-all peak in the period 1575-1580.

image

The permanence of the Maltese émigrés at Gozo can be assessed from Table VIII. Each of the common Maltese surnames in this list is shown by Wettinger [50] to have been absent from pre-1551 Gozo, each appears in Table VI, almost every one is represented in Gozo to-day, and evidence exists for their continued presence there. The sources for this data are the protest of 1644 [51] quoted by Wettinger, the Matrice Liber Status Animarum for 1678 [52] , Status Animarum for 1726-28 [53] , for 1781 [54] and for 1805 [55] for the whole of Gozo, as well as the Electoral Registers for 1880, 1939, and for 1986. One concludes that these surnames are of Maltese origin and appeared in Gozo soon after 1551.

TABLE VIII

Surname 1644 1678 1726 1781 1805 1880 1939 1986
Agius v v v v v v v v
Attard v v v v v v v v
Azzopardi v v v v v v v v
Baldacchino v v
Bezzina v v v v v v
Borg v v v v v v v v
Camilleri v v v v v v v v
Cassar v v v v v v v v
Ciantar v v v v v v
Cumbo v v v v v v
Debono v v v v v v v
Frendo v v v v v v
Gatt v v v v v v v v
Grima v v v v v v v v
Carcheppo v v
Mallia v v v v v
Mangion v v v v v v
Muscat v v v v v v v v
Pace v v v v v v v v
Portelli v v v v v v v v
Psaila v v v v v v
Schembri v v v v v v v
Scicluna v v v v v v v
Spiteri v v v v v v v v
Xuereb v v v v v v v v

3.8 Population Growth

Statistical data for the Gozo population in the 16th century is full of lacunae. Bosio [56] states vaguely:

Vivevano in quest’Isola da otto mila Anime. Pero hora (dopo il 1551) sono ridotte quasi alla quarta parte di questo numero,

which is interpreted to mean that around 1580 some 2000 were living there whereas before 1551 there had been some 8000.

One can attempt to obtain an estimate of how the population grew after 1551 by considering the frequency distribution of births/baptisms. This data is presented in the following two histograms. The first shows the early hesitant steps of growth between 1551 and 1561 in 3-monthly periods. The second shows development between 1551 and 1580 in yearly stages. In the records one encounters gaps (corresponding to slumps in the graph) during the summer months of various years. Some of these coincide with years when corsair raids are known to have taken place [57]  In spite of this deficiency, for want of better documentation, the data is valuable.

BIRTHS/BAPTISMS FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION: 1.i.1555-1.x.1561

 image

BIRTHS/BAPTISMS FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION: 1554-1577

image

One can translate the baptism/birth figures into overall population statistics by first obtaining an estimate of the ratio Y:X of “population” : “number of baptisms” from near-contemporary data from Malta. To this end, the mean number X of baptisms/births from various Maltese parishes is computed and correlated to the known population Y. The information is presented in Table IX.[58]

TABLE IX

LOCALITY PERIOD X Y Y:X
Birmiftuħ 1600-1635 48 1300 27
Mosta 1630-1650 36.5 1200 33
Naxxar 1600-1650 44 1400 32
Tarxien 1623-1649 25.5 750 29

From this information one concludes that the ratio Y:X is approximately 30:1. Estimates for the Gozo population can then be computed as follows:

1556-60 1561-65 1566-70 1571-75
600 1400 1850 2350

It is seen that this last entry fits in pretty well with Bosio’s round figure of 2000

4. The Reasons

One questions the motivations behind the mass migration of Maltese into Gozo in the wake of 1551. One asks whether or not the migrants were prepared to give up the relative safety of Malta for rather unprotected life in Gozo, ever under the threat of corsair attacks, in the hope of gaining a reward commensurate with the risk, such as the acquisition of real estate abandoned by unredeemed Gozitans. The answer can again be retrieved from the notarial records which shed much light on the occupations, activities and way of life of the Maltese migrants in Gozo at the time.

4.1 Land Ownership

It should be affirmed at the outset that the well-to-do Gozitans who were captured in 1551 soon got themselves ransomed because they possessed the necessary means to do so. This subset, including such well-known names as Alagona, De Apapis, Castilletta, Navarra, Plathamone and Pontremoli, albeit small, must have coincided with the land-owning majority.[59]The will of Guillelmo de Manuele alias Mollica [60] especially his inventarium [61] that lists no less than 26 distinct properties, the will of Notary Lorenzo de Apapis, [62] and that of Raynelio Machnuc, [63] particularly his inventarium listing 32 distinct pieces of land, [64] give an indication of the extent of property in the hands of a mere handful of owners.

Furthermore, evidence exists that the relatively few Gozitans taking refuge, and eventually settling permanently, in Sicily sold their possessions, presumably to the highest bidders, who more often than not were also Gozitans who stayed behind. Such was the case of Magister Matheus Grego son of Magister Andreas, living at Agrigento, who sold his immovable property on Gozo to his uncle Antonio Grego. [65] The same happened in the case of Michael de Luchia son of Andriotta, living at Heraclia, who sold his property to Bartholomeo Gamich, another Gozitan, [66] or in the case of Paulus Saliba son of the late Petro, living at Licata, who sold to Andrea de Luchia, a Gozitan, his lands at Żebbuġ, Gozo,  [67] or in the case of Leonardo and Jacoba Barnaba, living at Sciacca, who sold to Leonardo Meilac, a Gozitan, through the good services of Leonardo de Manueli, a third Gozitan go-between, their lands at ta’ Qabbieża. [68] The same can be said of Lucas de Luchia, a Gozitan living at Sciacca, who sold his land at Għajn Qasab and at Wied Binġemma, to Angelo de Avola, another Gozitan. [69]

4.2 Captives’ Procurators

It is also apparent from several deeds that others, while still in captivity, were holding on to their lands through procurators in Gozo who administered their estates. One could argue that these “procurators” were Maltese sharks who flocked to Gozo to take immediate control of this property, callously oblivious of their relatives rotting away in slavery, and who took over the estates wholesale on the Gozitan slaves’ death. This may have been the case in one or two isolated instances, but for the large majority this hypothesis is not borne out by the documentation available. It is stated by Bosio [70] and confirmed by many of the deeds [71] that procurators were appointed by the Grandmaster to look after the interests of the enslaved Gozitans. Thus, Notary Carolo Casha, or Cassia, is defined as:

curator et administrator bonorum captivorum Gaulitanorum ordinatus et constitutus per Illm Rm Dm Magnum Magistrum Nm Principem. [72] 

It appears that with the course of time, Notary Cassia, and presumably others like him, were relieved of their duties and the onus passed on, again in an official manner, to relatives of the enslaved, who in most cases were themselves Gozitans already living in Gozo. This is particularly clear in the case of Guarinus Plathamone, a relative of Gulielmus de Biscon:

Guarinus Plathamone (Gaulitanus habitator terre et Insule Gaudisij) [73] tamquam ut asserit curator bonorum Hon. Gulielmi de Biscon captivi consanguinei ipsius (Gulielmi) ordinatus per Curiam Multi Revdi Dni Gubernatoris hujus terre et Insule Gaudisij die (..)…ad instantiam Nob. Egr. Caroli Casha olim curatoris et administratoris bonorum prefati Gulielmi et aliorum captivorum Gaulitanorum ordinati et constituti per Illm Rm Dm Magnum Magistrum Nm Principem ut asserit constitutus virtute Dominicalis Decreti…[74]

The case of the Bajada family (See Appendix V) is also illuminating.

No. Egr. Carolus Casha tamquam curator captivorum gaulitanorum sponterenuntiavit Imperie mulieri vidue relicte quondam Petri Apap absenti stipulanti pro ea Fra Paulo Baiada…bona stabilia existentia in hac Insula gaudisij et Angele baiada captivorum uti eorum consanguinee Iuxta formam decreti Sue Ill(me) Dominicalis et Sententie late in Curia Mult. Rdi Dni Gubernatoris hujus terre et Insule gaudisij sub die iij Martij proxime preteriti…[75]

Other instances of Gozitan procurators are:

Nobilis Malgarita mulier viduaAlbani Cassar gaulitanaconsanguinea Dianorede Manuele Beatricis et ysabellede Manuele captivarum. [76] 

Ioannes de Anastasio gaulitanus et Agnes mulier uxor Jacobi de Laurentio de Verona soror Antonelle mulieris Antonij Darmanno captive…[77]

Antonius danfansino gaulitanustamquam consanguineuspossidet in comuni et pro indiviso cum angela mulier uxor Antonij Burg, Antonino Gentil et Salvo de Manuele… (captivis)…[78]

Andreas Rogiles tamquamcurator et gubernator bonorum stabilium Gismundi de Alagona et suorum filiorum captivorum…[79]

Zaccharias Chappara gaulitanuscurator bonorum leonardi chappara captivi…[80]

Guarinus PlathamoneconsanguineusMalgarite Rogiles captive…[81]

Calczerano Axac…(gaulitano)…tamgam consanguineo filiorum Antonij Cavallino captivorum…[82]

Andreas Rogiles tamqam ut asserit curator Ioannes Rogiles eius nepotis ex fratre captivi penes hostes.[83]

Among procurators who were Maltese and who could therefore have climbed the Gozitan band-wagon one can list Agnes Calleya [84] and Joannes Haius Galtir, [85] who at any rate, was married to a Gozitan [86]

4.3 Inter-marriage

It is more likely that some may have engineered to walk into a fortune by marrying into a well-to-do Gozitan family in Gozo. Quite a few marriages are recorded at this time in which one party is Gozitan and the other is Maltese. Table X lists some representative cases. The clear dichotomy between pre-1570 and post-1570 matchings is of interest. One notes that up to around 1570 it was a Maltese girl that married a Gozitan man; the exact reverse obtained thereafter. This clearly indicates that in the early days after 1551, Gozitan society was predominantly male, the disparity in numbers evening out within a couple of decades. But it also appears that the relatively few marriageable women who did not marry other Gozitans went for foreigners and not for Maltese (vide Table XI). Some representative all-Gozitan matchings (taken from the ecclesiastical records) are: Bacbac/de Federico, (2.v.1563), Calleja/Dolfin (18.iv.1565), Navarra./Suria (22.v.1566), and Gurabe/Merchic (15.i.1569).

Table X (Gozitan/Maltese Matchings: 1560-1576)

Date Gozitan Party Sex Maltese Party Sex Origin in Malta References
10.v.1560

17.i.1564

17.iv.1566
28.x.1567

24.i.1576
1.vii.1576
3.ix.1576
?. ?.1576

M Ferdinandus
Amaijra Cirurgicus
Bartholomeo
Gamich
Blascus Cavallino
M Ferdinandus
de Amaira
Jacoba Danfansino
Joanna Saragosa
Inciona Parnisi
Mattia Calleya
M

M

M
M

F
F
F
F

Venera Besine

Malgarita Burg

Ioanna Bertelli
Markisia Galata

Ambrosio Gambino
Francesco Bigeni
Domenico Galie
Iacobo Xiuereb

F

F

F
F

M
M
M
M

Probably Għargħu
r
Żebbuġ

Lija
Naxxar

Rabat
Żebbuġ
Mosta
Rabat

AEG Lib.Bapt…I ff.
102,2v;R287/7 f.479
R287/3(I) f.136

R287/3(III) f.175v
R287/4(II) f.54;
R287/8(II) f.137v;
AEG Lib.Bapt.I. f.26
AEG Lib.Bapt.I f.111
idem.
idem.
idem. f.111v

Table XI (Gozitan/Foreign Matchings: 1562-1570)

2.i.1562

2.v.1563

15.i.1564

12.iv.1564
6.iv.1567

27.iv.1568

3.xii.1568

22.viii.1569

17.i.1570

Imperia?

Clementia filia de
Violantj peccatrici

Vincenza Butigeg

Marietta Aquilina
Antonella Rogiles

Agnes?

Marietta
Alemanno
Vennera?
Elena Stivala

F

F

F

F
F

F

F

F

F

Leonardo
Dammares
Antonio de Pixi

Valerio Provenzano

Antonj Czupella
Michel Salbires

Jacobus de
Laurentio
Andreas Amor

Petrus de Soltano

Sanctorus Cantello

M

M

M

M
M

M

M

M

M

di Terranova

de Montileone

de Saragosa

de Noto
?

de Verona

Tudescus

Siculus

Siculus

AEG Lib.Matr.I f.103

AEG Lib.Matr.I f.103;
R287/2(I) f.5
AEG Lib.Matr.I f.104v
AEG Lib.Matr.I f.105
AEG Lib.Matr.I f.106v
R287/4(II) f.172;

R287/5(I) f.117v
R287/5(I) f.114
R287/5(I) f.423v;
AEG Lib.Bapt. f.32v
AEG Lib.Bapt.I f.107v

R287/7 f.533v

 

 

That males by far outnumbered females in the early years of resettlement can also be deduced from the disproportionately high incidence of female prostitutes in Gozitan society. In a small community of around 1400 between the years 1561 and 1566 (see § 3.9 supra), no less than 7 so-called peccatrichi are recorded in the baptismal records as giving birth; these were: Agnesa (26.vii.1561), Margarita Michallef (26.viii.1561), Nucza (24.vii.1562), Ventura (27.x.1562), Aluisa Grego (4.iv.1564), Imperia (13,14.x.1566), and (…) di Castello (6.xi.1566). The daughter of another, Violanti, is recorded as contracting matrimony on 2.v.1563, and others yet may have gone completely undetected. It is relevant to note in this context that after 1551 the defence of the Castello was given increased attention by the authorities and that consequently the strength of the military personnel there was augmented. [87]At this time also, Gozo continued to be used as a place of temporary exile for recalcitrant knights. [88]

4.4 Labour

One concludes that the attraction of an easy take-over of property in Gozo could not have been at the root of the bulk of Maltese migration. In fact, in contrast with the lack of evidence for this hypothesis, a mass of information exists showing that what they were really in pursuit of was nothing more remunerative than hard work, mostly agricultural. From Table VI it is patently clear that the localities of origin of the Maltese migrants were the rural areas of Malta, excepting the very few from Notabile, to the total exclusion of the Three Cities and later on of Valletta as well. That this farming community continued to live by the land in Gozo is evident from innumerable notarial deeds. At one end of the spectrum one encounters those who offered their manual services in the fields and on the property of well-to-do Gozitans, for a pre-determined stipend and for a fixed length of time, which contract was often renewed. A typical deed would be:

Hieronymus Zarb de Casali gadir il bordi Insule Melite habitator hujus terre et Insule Gaudisijse obligavit personaliter servire Antonio Gentil gaulitanoin eius rure pro anno uno continuo et completo incipiendo a quinto decimo die mensis septembris proxime venture in antea… [89] 

Child labour was not excluded. By our standards an exteme case, but by no means an isolated instance, was:

Magister Gabriel Bondino faber melitensis habitator hujus terre et Insule Gaudisijconduxit et conducit operas et servitias Salvi Bondino eius filij minoris etatis annorum duodecimPetro Parnisin omnibus servitijs rusticis et urbanis pro anno unoet hoc pro mercede seu verius pro victu vestitu et el calzaro necessario…[90]

Other examples of Maltese labourers working for Gozitan employers are included in Table XII. In all cases, except where otherwise stated, the length of contract is one year.

4.5 Land Lease

Another attraction for Maltese farmers was availability of much land in Gozo for short leases (ingabellatio/qbiela), usually of four years’ duration, again often renewable. The lessor in most cases, though not invariably, was a Gozitan living in Gozo. A typical case would be that of Blasio Chilia, a Maltese living in Gozo, who in September and October of 1577 obtained the 4-year lease of each of the following lands from Gozitan land-owners:

terras cum quibusdam arboribus et fonte aque viventisappellatas ginen sipti in contrata gued bingemma….Item alias duas petias terre in contrata appellate tal damra

lenciam unam terrein contrata hasri appellata sinit. Item petiam terre in eadem contrata divisa ex dictis terris per vallonem necnon et lenciam terre positam in contracta zebug appellatam sinit

petiam unam terrein contrata zebug…[91]

Subcontracting was also common. Thus on 14th January 1569, the Secretus Magnificus Matheus de Falsono leased for four years the lands “la taffalia, la chamria, la ayra de la curti, tal barmili, dila barca, dilo medico, ta bordin, la ranchisia, la meimona, tal mohos, tal buc, tal mihayn, et dila mastranza,” forming part of the Grandmaster’s Fief on Gozo, to Notary Carolo Cassia, who appears as “principalis gabellotus.” Similar leases were obtained by Ioannes Refalo and Leonardus Gambino [92] dictus Cardona (Gaulitani), Hieronymus Xicaluna (Melitensis), Blasius Chilia (Melitensis), Pasqualis Grima, Laurentius and Vincentius de Cachi, and Stephanus Bigeni and Dominicus Spiteri “insolidum.”[93]Notary Carolo Cassia obviously did not work the lands himself, so he immediately subcontracted [94] the fields for the same 4-year duration to other tenants. Thus, for example:

Nobilis et Egregius Carolus Casha tamquam principalis gabellotus in infr(adict) o feudo Illmi Ri Di Magni Magistri existenti in hac insula gaudisijconcedit Salvo de Biscon et Georgio Haiusterras tal barmili et petiam dilo medicopro annis quatuor

Similarly,

Leonardus Meilac tamquam principalis conductor in vineale terre positoin contrata gar ilme vocatum ta floriosublocavit et subconcessit Ioanni Grima…[95]

 

Table XII (Maltese laboureres in the Employ of Gozitans: 1568-1580)

Date Maltese Labour Origin Gozitan Employer Stipend Reference
15.xi.1568

24.iii.1569

18. ix.1577

21. ix.1577

26.ix.1580

Marcus Pisaile

Petrus Galie

Filius Petri Galie
annorum duodecim
Gregorius Zammit
dictus Sileito

Jacobus Grima

Antoninus qdm.
Ioannis Spiteri
dictus Brondina

Luca

Lie

Lie

?

Rabat

?

Malgarita Cassar

Raynelio Machnuc

Antonio Bonnich

Ambrosio
Gambin91

Raynelio Machnuc

Ioannes de Anastasio

Unc.2,esu, potu et
el calzaro crudo
necessario et una
camisa et un paio
di calzi de tila,
un chippuni et
calzetti di lana.
Unc.5, esu, potu
et el calzaro
crudo et 2 canni
de albaxo.
Unc.1 tar.24, esu,
potu et calzaro,
et una porcella.
Esu, potu et el
calzaro, et 2
pensata lane.
Unc.4, esu, potu,
calzaro
(1 month)
Unc.2, tar.20,esu,
potu et calceamental
(4 months)
R287/5(I)f.104.

Ibid. f.250v

ibid. f.251.

R287/9(I) f. 11

Ibid. f.15.

R185/5 f.65v

Table XIII (Short Leases of Property other than Land: 1568-1577)

Date Gozitan Lessor Maltese Lessee Duration Description Reference
2.x.1568

30.xii.1568

28.i.1569

31.i.1569

17.iii.1569

23.ix.1577

15.x.1577

Guarinus Plathamone

Garsias Mampalao

Raynelius Machnuc

Michael de Luchia
habitator terre
Heraclie Regni Sicilie

Ioannes de Theobaldo

Antonius Midlum

Antonius Plathamone

Dominico Grego

Paulo Vella dicto
Vizorr

Laurentio Burg
dicto Tingheir
Dominico Muscat

Andree Gatto
Langro
Ioannes Haius

Dominico Micallef
et Iusmudo
Camilleri

?

4 years

2 years

4 years

4 years

1 year

1 year

locum domorum
rusticum cum
terris in
contrata zebug
locum rusticum
cum mandris in
contrata cortin
herrin
locum rusticum in
contrata xilendi
locum rusticum
cum gructa et
clausurectis in
contrata Garbo
clausura cum domo
et cisterna
locum rusticum
cum lentijs in
contrata Garbo
51 pecudes
fetantes et 72
capras fetantes
R287/5(I)40

ibid. 148

ibid. 193v

ibid. 196

ibid. 241

R287/9(I)151

ibid. 45

The Maltese farmer leased not only the fields he tilled but also the house he inhabited, sometimes even the flocks of sheep and goats he reared and the stockyard (mandra) that housed them. The amount of documentation on this subject is forbiddingly plentiful so that only representative situations (see Table XIII supra) can be described here. There is scope however, for a full quantitative analysis of the situation.

4.6 Partnerships

The renting of flocks, as in the case of Antonius Plathamone just quoted, was not a very common occurrence. What happened usually was that the owner, on the one hand, and the farmer, on the other, entered into a partnership (in the documents called soccida or societas), whereby for a pre-determined number of years, the owner contributed stock and the farmer contributed the labour and management; returns were then divided according to agreement. A typical such contract was that signed by the Gozitan Ioannes Refalo and the Maltese Dominico Spiteri, nicknamed Brundina, who on 8th November 1568 agreed to form a 2-year partnership in respect of two oxen fit for ploughing, complete with harness and ploughshare. Spiteri bought a half-share off Refalo for 10 uncie; he also contributed half of the seeds required to sow land leased to Refalo. Profits were to be divided equally after first deducting the expenses of the lease. Other details can be seen from the document reproduced in extenso in Appendix VI. In fact this situation was already obtaining a century earlier, as described by Wettinger, [96] with a difference, namely that the well-to-do partner “selling” the half-share was now almost invariably a Gozitan (not an Mdina nobleman), whereas the labourer “buying” the half-share was a Maltese migrant. The Maltese words xriek for partner and xirka for partnership were often employed in the documents. Thus,

Bertus Schembri de Casali Curmi habitator hujus terre et Insule Gaudisij se obligavit personaliter servire Honi Raynelio Machnuc (Gaulitano)…in eius rure PRO XIRICO juxta usum et consuetudinem hujus Insule Gaudisij pro anno instanti et hoc pro quarta parte victualium et leguminum…[97]

Antonius Gentil (Gaulitanus)…sponte vendidit Lemo Xerri Melitensi habitatori hujus terre et Insule Gaudisijquartam partem pro indiviso quatuor bovum aratorumraxuni del XIRICO secundum consuetudinem hujus Insule…[98]

Perhaps the most a first-generation Maltese farmer in Gozo could aspire to was part-ownership in partnerships of this kind and eventual ownership of flocks and cattle, but not, as shown, land acquisition. This is exemplified by the case of Lemo Xerri, just quoted, whose will was drawn up by Notary Thomas Gauci in 1581. [99] He left his heirs substantial property in livestock but not a single span of land in Gozo.

5. Conclusion

In summing up one concludes that an appreciable number of Gozitans, predominantly male and certainly more than hitherto claimed, managed to escape the tragic depopulation of Gozo of 1551. Others, in their majority the better off, arranged to get themselves redeemed and found their way back to these islands. Most of these Gozitans went back to their lands in Gozo, but a sizeable minority took refuge, even permanently, either in Sicily or in Malta, mostly in the Cities. The original Gozitan community emerges as a rather compact, closely-knit and closed group, very jealous of its possessions and averse to the intrusion by Maltese outsiders into their affairs. This is evidenced by the fact that procurators for the enslaved were almost exclusively Gozitan, and that the sale of lands by Gozitans who opted to leave for good was always an internal affair, even where go-betweens were concerned. Any penetration of the Gozitan phalanx by Maltese was only achieved via marriage. Yet, the small population could not cope with the management of land capable of supporting a far larger community, so that the attraction of Maltese and foreign immigrants to fill this void was inevitable. Again, the roles of Gozitan land-owners and Maltese labourers are seen to be quite distinct and well-defined. In spite of this immigration, the population increased in size only gradually, so that it took about a century to reach the level of 1551.

Acknowledgements

The assistance of the following curators of archives is gratefully acknowledged:

Rev. Can. John Azzopardi Lic.D.,
Curator Mdina cathedral museum, Malta;
Rev. Joseph Bezzina H.E.D., Dip.Arch., Dip.Bibl., Curator Episcopal Archives, Victoria, Gozo;
Dr. Franco Pellegrini B.A., L.L.D.,
Chief Notary to Government and Keeper of Notarial Archives, Valletta, Malta.

Appendix I

Gozitans living in Gozo: 1557-1586 (Notarial records)

DATE DESCRIPTION REFERENCE
3.xi.1557
15.iii.1558

5.iv.1558
5.iv.1558

16.vii.1558
31.vii.1558
5.viii.1558
3.i.1562
7.ii.1562

9.xi.1562
17.i.1564

4.iii.1564
18.viii.1564
20.x.1564
6.ii.1565

9.x.1565

4.xi.1565
9.xii.1565
24.xii.1565
30.v.1556

28.x.1567

16.i.1568
25.xi.1568
3.xii.1568
29.i.1569
30.iii.1569
31.viii.1569
4.x.1569
15.vii.1570
9.x.1570
7.xi.1571

Thomas Chettut G(aulitanus)
Ventura mulier relicta qdm. Jacobi.
Hordob G.
Lazarus Mongebino G.
Aloysius Aragonesi habitator hujus terre et
Insule Gaudisij
Antonius de Rigio G.
Antonius Chufai filius qdm. Leonardi G.
Federicus Meylac G.
Angelo Gaduara G.
Baptista Cozullura filius qdm.
Pasqualis Cozullura G.
Ramundus Bacbac
Bartholomeus Gamich filius qdm.
Andriotte et Decie Gamich
Silvester Chini G.
Joannes Refalo Dictus rueigel G.
Mattheo. Chappisa G.
Antonius Kinzi gaulitanus dictus to mercanti
Ioannes Mannara G.
Pinus Gauchi (deleted and Vella
written over it) G.
Nobilis Andriottas Algaria G.
filius qdm. Nob. Ponsij…et Margarita uxor
Ioannello Kettut G.
Blascum Cavallino G.
Magister Ferrandus de Mayra cirurgicus G.
Salvus Bercax dictus cacui…
egrotans in lecto eius proprie habitationis…
in Rabbato hujus Castri Gaudisij
Petrus Xiricha G.
Antonella de Castilletta
Francesco Fantino G.
Joannes de la Barba G.
Antonino Gentil G.
Magister Franciscus Critelli G. sutor
Hieronymus Carmona G.
Andreas Dighif G.
Magister Angelus Gaduara qdm. Silvestri G.
R287/1(II) 69
143
171
171
221
252v
263v
R287/2(I) 146v
176v
R287/2(II) 103
R287/3(I) 136
182
361v
R287/3/(II) 95v
214
R287/3(III) 10
44
86v
103
175v
R287/4(II) 54
115
R287/5(I) 109
112v
191v
258v
439v
R287/5(II) 51v
333v
R287/6(I) 69v
R287/6(II) 184

[p.237] Appendix I (Continuation 1)
Gozitans living in Gozo: 1557-1586 (Notarial records)

DATE DESCRIPTION REFERENCE
19.x.1572
21.iii.1574
17.iv.1574
12.xi.1574
14. xii.1574
11.i.1575
14.iv.1575
16.iv.1575
8.vii.1575

18.vii.1575

1.viii.1575
14.ix.1575
17.ix.1575

17.ix.1575

26.ix.1575
26.ix.1575
23.x.1575
2.xi.1575
5.xi.l575
8. xi.1575
13.xi.1575
14.xi.1575
14.xi.1575
14.xi.1575
28.xi.1575
28.xi.1575
12.xii.l575
7.ix.1576

27.x.1576
11.i.1577
14.i.1577

28.i.1577
11.ii.1577
16.ii.1577

Bartholomeus Chabarra qdm. Luce G.
Ioannellus Chettut qdm. Laurentij G.
Joanni Bringheli G.
Jacobus Dallo qdm. Antonij G.
Matheus Chappisa qdm Angeli G.
Salvo qdm. Pauli de Scotia G.
Joannes Bongebin qdm. Nicolai G.
Silvester Gurabe Laurentij G.
Andreas Amaijara qdm. Ferdinandi
incola Gaudisij
Magister Antonius Sans et d. Agnes
jugales G.
Nicolao Meilac G.
Andrea Chiappara G.
Vincentius Laurentij de Cacis
habitator hujus terre et Insule G.
Nicolaus de Manuele G…instituit
Andream de Santoro G.
Angelus Antonij Dandalona habitator G.
Petro Sanson G.
Joannes Guarreri G.
Raynelius Machnuc G.
Andriottas Magro qdm. Simonis G.
Michael d’Anfasino G.
Magnificus Salvator Caxario G.
Antonius Hapap qdm. Salvi G.
Ioannes Theume qdm. Leonardi G.
Salvus Vella qdm. Francisci G.
Maurus qdm. Pauli de Bisco G.
Jacobus Sala G.
Joannes et Ascania de Nicolacio jugales G.
Antonius Bringheli qdm. Salvi G.
concessit Magnifico Garxie Mompalao
qdm. magnifici Calceranj G.
Magister Paulus Hordob qdm. Blasij G.
Antonio Bonnichi qdm. Adriotte G.
Laurentius de lo Episcopo qdm. Mathei
G…dixit se recepisse a Magnifico
Alvaro Caxaro G.
Michael Mintuf qdm. Simonis G.
Ambrosius Vagnolo G.
Magister Nicolaus Balistrera qdm.
Henrici G.
R287/7 171v
R185/1 96
37v
17
22
36v
144v
166v
210

252

273
R185/2 2
11

12

22
26
46
50v
52v
54
59
63v
63v
63v
74v
74v
85v
R185/3 18

70
158
160

173v
202
206v

[p.238] Appendix I (Continuation 2)

DATE DESCRIPTION REFERENCE
20.iii.1577
14.iv.1577
10.iv.1577

15.iv.1577
19.iv.1577
8.vii.1577
16.viiii.1577
22.viii.1577
16.ix.1577
4.xi.1577
27.i.1578
1.ix.1580

1.ix.1580
1.ix.1580

1.ix.1580

3.ix.1580

3.ix.1580

7.ix.1580
7.ix.1580
10.ix.1580
10.ix.1580
12.ix.1580
12.ix.1580
14.ix.1580
15.ix.1580

16.ix.1580
20.ix.1580

23. ix.1580
26.ix.1580
27.ix.1580
28.ix.1580

Palumbinus Mochitara qdm. Valentini G.
Antonius Finara qdm. Joannis G.
Simon de Bisco filius Salvi incola
hujus terre et Insule G.
Andriottas Algaria G.
Ioannes Cini qdm. Nicolai G.
Antonius Modlum G.
Blasius Madiona qdm. Andeae G.
Matheus Chappisa qdm. Angeli G.
Andreas Rogiles G.
Antoni Ciumi G.
Gulielmus Scavuni G.
Ramandus Bacbac et Agatha jugales
habitatores terre et Insula G.
Andreas Chaber G.
Angelus Mannara quotidem loannis G.
vendidit…Palumbino qdm. Valentinj
Mochtara G.
Andriotta Bonnich qdm. Guglielmi
dictus Induj G.
Magnificus Ugolinus Navarra G.
habitator hujus terre et Insule G.
Magnificus Guarinus Plathamone G.
habitator hujus terre et Insule G.
Andreas de Luchia G.
Antonius Hapap qdm. Mathei G.
Ioannes Gauchj qdm. Michaelis G.
Magnificus Nicolaus Pontremoli G.
Jacobus Sala G.
Magistro Paulo Hurdub G.
Jacobus sive Jaches Refalo G.
Venerabili Fratri Paulo Bayada G. ordinis
heremitarum S. Augustini Priori Conventus
Magistro Antonio Barberj G.
Cataldus Mochtara qdm. Francisci G.
…vendidit Perne Critelli mulieri
vidue relicte qdm. Stephani G.
Joannes de Nicolachio G.
Ioanni de Anastasio G.
Magistro Paulo Parnis qdm. Ioannis G.
Domina Imperia de Rigio mulier vidua
ultimo loco relicta qdm. Nobilis Antonij G.
R185/3 275
293v
300

310
313
433
534v
558v
R185/4 53v
195v
R287/9 101
R185/5 4

6
8
9v

18

19

24v
25v
33
35v
R185/5 42v
44v
47v
52v

56
57v

64
65v
73
74

[p.239] Appendix I (Continuation 3)

DATE DESCRIPTION REFERENCE
28.ix.1580
11.ix.1581
3.ii.1582
2.viii.1584
Caterina…uxor Ioannis Haius galtir G.
Leonardus Meilac qdm. Raimundi G.
Andreas de Scotia qdm. pauli G. habitator hujus terre et Insule G.
Antonius Chivaij qdm. Leonardi G. habitator hujus terre et Insule G.
R185/5 76v
R185/6 59v
483
R185/8 810v

APPENDIX II
Gozitan Surnames in Ecclesiastical Records: 1554-1628

DATE DESCRIPTION REFERENCE
25.iv.1555 19.xi.1556
12.vi.1557
25.vi.1558
27.vii.1558
14.viii.1558
6.x.1558
26.ii.1559
21.iii.1559
16.iv.1559
27.ii.1560
18.iv.1560
1.vi.1561
7.viii.1561
5.x.1561
10.i.1563
?.ix.1566
11.ix.1568
26.v.1569
18.iv.1564
22.v.1566
14.iv.1572
15.v.1575
18.iv.1570
5.v.1604

7.iv.1622
10.v.1626

Antonio Teobaldo
Don Jacobo Tavula
Francesco Muntagnes
Don Ieronimo Dalagona
Matheo Saliba
Nicolao de Federico
Nardo Gambino
[…]ato Bornetto.
Joseph Rapa
Andrea Fontana
Nicolao de Marino
Tiberio Bianco
Ambrogio Cattcuti
Joanni et Paula Xebiras
Antonio et Margarita Merchic
Mastro Salvo et Imperia Farmusa
Marino et Joanna Lombardo
Ioanni Xeibe et Laurea jugali
Jolormu Riera(?) et Margarita jugali
Isabella filia di Matheo Dolfin
Antonina filia del qdm. Joanni Suria
Antonio Basili
Joanni Tardo
Micheli et Anna Firriolo
Pasquali Sagona et Margarita jugali

Mastro Valentio Laurer et Catherina jugali
Nardo Membro

AEG Lib. Bapt.I, 1
v
2
2
2v
2v
2v
3
3v
3v
5
5v
6v
7
7v
10
15v
18v
24
105v
106
109v
110v
28
APMatrice Lib.
Bapt.I, 11 94
APS.Georgii Lib.
Bapt.II, 4v

[p.240] APPENDIX III (Gozitans in Sicily: 1558-1590)

DATE DESCRIPTION REFERENCE
19.iv.1558

31.xii.1561
6.ii.1562
17.iii.1562
23.iii.1562

23.ix.1563

25.iv.1564
23.viii.1563

10.iii.1565

14.xii.1568
29.x.1568

10.x.1569

Francesco Balistrera gaulitano incola Drepanensi.

Paulus Saliba filius qdm. Petri gaulitanus habitator Leocate R.S
Jacobus de li Boffi gaulitanus habitator Sacce R.S.
Francina Tellerixo uxor Orlandi gaulitana habitator civitatis
Agrigenti R.S.
Petrus Rikic filius qdm. Laurentij gaulitanus habitator terre Leocate R.S.
(But one should note the entry in the Index for 1559-60 of the same
notary (f.394): “Testamentum Catherine Richic,” which deed is
apparantly missing.)
Petrus Mintuf gaulitanus habitator civitatis Sacce Regni Sicilie.
Antonius Finara gaulitanus habitator civitatis Sacce Regni Sicili.
Magnifica Malgarita Malatesta mulier uxor Magnifici Iosephi
Malatesta absentis ab Insula…instrumento celebrato in civitate Nicoxie
Regni Sicilie…die prima mensis Junij sexte Indictionis instantis.
Magnificus Salvator Caxaro exposuit quod cum his annis elapsis
Magnificus qdm. Angelus eius pater et ipse Magnificus exponens
reperijssent se in terra Heraclie Regni Sicilie et ibi…impignassent
Zaccaria Saliba gaulitano tunc degens in dicta terra Heraclie.
Michael de Luchia filius qdm. Andriote gaulitanus habitator terre Heraclie.
…curator bonorum Dominici et Salvatoris Chettut minorum
filiorum et heredum qdm. Ioannis Chettut existentium in Regno Sicilie
Nobilis Petrus Bacbac filius qdm. Antonij gaulitanus habitator
Magnifice civitatis Agrigenti tam eius proprio nomine quam uti
procurator Iacobelle eius uxoris et Ioannis Balistrera eius cognati et
generi gaulitani et cohabitaturi.

Not. Placido Abela
Ms 514/1
R287/2(I) 143v
172v
218

223v

R287/3(I) 43
269
R287/2(II) 314

R287/3(II) 242v

R287/5(I) 127v

77v
R287/5(II) 53

[p.241] APPENDIX III (continued)

DATE DESCRIPTION REFERENCE
11.x.1569

5.vii.1570

7.xi.1571

9.iv.1572
5.xii.1572
7.x.1577

17.x.1590

Petrus Subtili gaulitanus habitator Dilectissime civitatis
Leocate Regni Sicilie tam proprio nomine et pro parte Rose eius uxoris
necnon et nomine et pro parte eius filiarum et filij minorum.
Paulus Hordob filius qdm. Blasij gaulitanus habitator Nobilis
civitatis Messane.
Magister Angelus Gaudara filius qdm. Silvestri gaulitanus
habitator Magnifice civitatis Agrigenti Regni Sicilie.
Georgius Chini de civitate Drepani.
Andriottas Balistrera gaulitanus habitator terre Heraclie Regni Sicilie.
…procurator Leonardi et Jacobe Barnaba gaulitanorum habitatores
Digne civitatis Sacce Regni Sicilie.
Francesco Theuma de terra Xicli.
R287/5(II) 54v

320v

R287/6(II) 184
387

R287/7 264
R287/9(I) 35v

Not. G.S. De Lucia
R229/1 f.364

APPENDIX IV (Gozitans in Malta: 1553-1609)

DATE DESCRIPTION REFERENCE
20.vii.1553

18.ix. 1554
23.ix.1555

30.viii.1562

13.x.1564

12.viii.1565

Fangius de Manuele gaulitanus et habitator Rabbati civitatis Melite

Antonius Cappelano de civitate
Andreotta Cattut alias Fantin de Insula Gaudisij…existens
in hoc portu Melite.
Leonardus Gaduara (casali birchircara).

Geronima Cangura…povira (One of many surnamed Ciangura/Cianchura/
Ciancura/Chengure at Qormi; surname encountered earlier only at Gozo:
Not. V.B. De Bonetijs R206/4 (3.x.1538) 100: “Angelina Xangura di gaudisio”:
ibid
. R206/8 (4.vi.1544) 141v: “Petro Xangura gaulitano.”)
Antonella mulier uxor Antonij de Amfasino habitatrix terre
et Insule Gaudisij degens ad presens in hac nova civitate Melite.

Not. A.Bartolo
R48/2 f.11v.
Ibid.R48/3 f.55.
Ibid. R48/4 f.139v.

Not. G. Muscat
R376/43 f.761v.
AP Qormi Lib.
I Bapt… f.271v.
et passim.

Not. L. DeApapis
R203 f.119

[p.242] APPENDIX IV (Continuation I)

DATE DESCRIPTION REFERENCE
29.viii.1568

16.iv.1569
3.x.1569

20.viii.1570

22.iii.1574

6.ix.1576

26.iii.1577
17.iv.1578

1.ix.1580
14.ix.1580

14.ix.1580

24.xi.1590

11.xii.1590
13.i.1591

4.ix.1591

9.xii.1609

Nicolaus Petrus Balistrera gaulitanus habitator Insule
Melite filius qdm. Petri.
…dictorum de Navarra existentibus in Insula Meliveti.
Vintura Hordob olim de Insula gaudisij

Betta filia di manfre gozzitano dicto Dondlana

Ioannes qdm. Nicolai Mintuf gaulitanus et habitator Insule Senglee
Insule Melite; Joannes de Manueli alias Mintuf qdm. Nicolai
habitator Insule Senglee
Antonius Guarreri qdm. Andreotte gaulitanus et habitator
burmule Insule Melite.
Paulo de li Buffi gaulitano et habitatori Insule Senglee
Andria Amayra filio qdm. magistri Ferdinandi gaulitano
et habitatori Insule Melite. (Probably Senglea: Vide
AP Senglea Liber Status Animarum 1684 f.20v).
Ferdinando de Anastasio gaulitano et habitatori Insule Senglee
Antonius Bonnich filius Magnifici Andreotte gaulitanus et
habitator Victoriose civitatis Melite.
Andreas Sueyde qdm. Magistri Hieronymi gaulitanus
et habitator Melite civitatis Vallette.
Matheus Machnuc olim de Insula Gaudisij modo veru habitator
rabbati Civitatis
Andreas Guerrer olim de Insula Gaudisi modo habitator Insule Senglee
Lucas Saguna qdm. Nicolai olim de Insula Gaudisij modo vero
habitator Casalis Cħibir
Ioannes Xeibe qdm. Jacobi Gaulitanus cecus habitator hujus
Victoriose Civitatis
Mro Thomas Hordob qdm. Mri Pauli gaulitano civi hujus
Civitatis Victoriose

R287/5(I) f.82

Ibid. f.274v.
Not. G. DeGuevara
R224/30 f.187
AP Qormi Lib.I
Bapt… f. 178v
R185/1 f.8v; Not. G.
S. DeLucia R229/1
(25.viii.1590)103.
R185/3. 14v

Ibid
. f.290v
R185/4 ff.461v, 467

R185/5 f.7
Ibid. f.50.

Ibid
. f.53v

Not. G.S. DeLucia
R229/1 f.517.
Ibid. f.615.
Ibid. f.748

Ibid
. R229/2 f.36v

Not. S. Ciantar
R184/15(I) f.155

 

APPENDIX V

On the Redemption of Fr. Paulus Baiada. [100]

d.c. Eodem

Testamur quod presens coram nobis Ven. Fr. Laurentius Bonavia prior Ven. Conventus Sancti Augustini existentis in Insula Gaudisij exposuit quod cum fuit et sit requisitus a Ven. Fre paulo baiada eiusdem ordinis Sancti Augustini commorantis in eodem conventu ut sibi concederet veniam et liberam licentiam ad hoc ut posiat comparere In iuditio spirituali seu temporali et petere aliqua bona posita in eadem Insula que erant suorum parentum in presenti existentium apud hostes ut posiat eis utifrui eius vita perdurante propterea dictus Ven. Fr. Laurentius prior qui supra videns et considerans quod prefatus Ven. Fr. Paulus novus venerit a captivitate in qua per annos quatuordecim (14) et ultra permanserit, et tandem opera et pecunijs quorundam mercatorum extiterit redemptus Ita ut In presentiarum reperiatur debitor predicta eius redemptione erga prefatos mercatores quam summam dictus Ven. Fr. Paulus aliter non potest solvere nisi ex dictis bonis. Propterea dictus Ven. Fr. Laurentius prior ex eius libera voluntate sponte tribuit eidem Ven. Fr. Paulo veniam ac licentiam posse comparendi Inquocumque Iuditio unde ad Instantiam prefati Ven. Fris pauli presentis et petentis fuit facta presens nota suo loco et tempore valitura et sic/(SIC) iuravit etc. Unde etc.

Testes Magcus Alfonsus Cassar nos. salvus pontremulo et Mr bertus xeibe

posita manu supra conscientiam more sacerdotali [101] 

APPENDIX VI

A Partnership Contract [102] 

Die viij mensis novembris xije Jnds 1568

pro Joanne Refalo
contra Dominico (sic)
Spiteri

Joannes refalo filius qdm georgij presens coram nobis non vi dolo malo etc. sed sponte vendidit dominico spiteri filio Joannis spiteri dicti brundina presenti et ementi ab eo medietatem pro indiviso duorum bovum aratorum unius pili albi et alterius pili idbisi medietatem unius Jumi (?) duorum aratrum unius vomaris (sic) et mtem pro Jndiviso totius palee quam habet ipse Joannes quasquidem boves et stivilia dictus dominicus emptor dixit et confessus est habuisse et recepisse ac vidisse et revidisse et s (?) actalentasse pro bonis visis revisis et actalentatis Bns cum Jurat° exceptioni rei non habite

Ad habendum etc

Pro pretio et pretij nomine unc. decem ponderis generalis pro medietate dictorum bovum cum stivilijs et palea quas un. 10 ponderis dictus dominicus emptor solvere promisit et se obligavit ut bancus prefato Joanni venditori presenti et stipulanti Jn duabus et equalibus solutionibus et catamenis(?) pro una Jn xva die mensis augusti proxime venture Jnstantis anni et pro altera ad complementum Jn xva die mensis augusti anni xiije Jnd p° Jnde venturo Sine aliqua exceptione vel(?) oppositione etc. Et Jnsuper dictus Joannes refalo ex una et dictus dominicus parte ex altera Jnfrascriptam societatem et compagniam ad arbitrium messis fecerunt et faciunt ut infra durat… pro annis duobus continuis et completis Jnceptis iam ab xva die mensis Augusti elapsi in antea in qua societate prefati contrahentes posuerunt et ponunt predictos boves duos cum eorum stivilijs qui boves currant et currere debeant risico periculo et bona fortuna amicorum et inimicorum ambarum partium et cuiuslibet ipsarum et quilibet ipsorum contrahentium teneatur et sit obligatus prout sic promisit et se obligavit ponens medietatem seminis victualium et leguminum seminandorum in dictorum eorum arbitrio et medietatem pro indiviso expensarum necessariarum ditto arbitrio tanto del zappuliari metiri et pisar quantum expensarum necessariarum qui dominicus teneatur et sit obligatus prout sic promisit et se obligavit durante dicta eorum societate personaliter laborare et facere quacumque servitia dicto arbitrio necessaria et possibilia pro quibus quidem servitijs dictus Joannes teneatur et sit obligatus prout sic promisit et se obligavit solvere ipso dominico presenti unciam unam et tar. decem et octo iusti ponderis anno quolibet sine aliqua exceptione et fructus deodante perveniente ex dicto eorum arbitrio dividatur et dividi debeat inter eos pro equali parte et medietate deducto… prius ex comuni gabella territorij per eos seminandi ad rationem (?) pro ut dictus Joannes ad gabellam et ad campensiam habet et tenet declarando tamquam pro anno Jnstanti tam ommia victualia per eos seminando cum predictis bobus teneatur et sit obligatus ponere dictus Joannes alla(?) que fuerit opus ad seminandum et medietatem victualium competentem ipsi dominico dominicus ipse dare et restituere ipsi Joanni presenti Jn duabus vicibus et catamenis et in qualibet area unam medietatem sine aliqua exceptione etc. et insuper dictus Joannes teneatur et sit obligatus prout sic promisit et se obligavit accomodare ipsi dominico presenti salmam unam frumenti mixti quam promisit dictus dominicus restituere ipsi Joanni presenti in area proximo venturo sine aliqua exceptione etc. Hoc etiam pacto et conditione omnia animalia qua dictus Joannes habet ultra dicta boves duos possit ea tenere in pascuis et herbagijs que in communi et pro indiviso habent gratis sine ulla mercede Et casu que dictus Joannes personaliter fecerit aliqua servitia in dicta eorum societate teneatur et sit obligatus prout sic promisit et se obligavit illa facere et servire gratis hoc etiam pacto et conditione in ultimo anno dicte eorum sotietis prefatus dominicus teneatur et sit obligatus prout sic promisit et se obligavit relinquere et facere tot novalia quot in anno Jnstanti in dicta eorum societate seminaverit et non aliter net alio modo alias etc.

Promictentes etc.
Que omnia etc
Et sic juraverunt unde Testes Dominicus Spiteri Magister Bertus Xeibe et alij.


[1] Text of 6.iv.1419 published e.g. in R. Valentini., “Gli Ultimi Re Aragonesi ed i Primi Castigliani in Malta: Documenti”, A(rchivio) S(torico di) M(alta) VIII (1937) 80.

[2] Idem

[3] Texts of 31.x.1432 e 4.v.1438 in S. Giambruno e L. Genuardi, Capitoli delle Città Demaniali di Sicilia, I (Palermo, 1918) 323, 326-7.

[4] Giacomo Bosio, Dell’Istoria della Sacra Religione et Illma. Militia di San Giovanni Gierosolmitano, III, 2da Impressione (Napoli, 1684) 127-8.

[5] Ibid. 191.

[6] Ibid. 212.

[7] Ibid. 236-7.

[8] Ibid. 238.

[9] Ibid. 244.

[10] Ibid. 251.

[11] Ibid. 273.

[12] Vide D. Cutajar and C. Cassar, “Malta and the 16th Century Struggle for the Mediterranean”, Mid-Med Bank Ltd. Report and Accounts (1985) 22-59.

[13] G. Bosio, op.cit. 214.

[14] Ibid. 304.

[15] Ibid. 304-5.

[16] Reference to these deeds, kept in the Notarial Archives Valletta, will henceforth be made only by quotation of the notary’s index number. Thus, Not. L. De Apapis: R203, Not. F. Ciappara: R185/00, and Not. T. Gauci: R287/00.

[17] A(rchivum) E(piscopi) G(audisii), Lib(er) Bapt(izatorum, Matrimoniorum et Defunctorum) I, microfilm copy at the M(dina) C(athedral) M(useum) No. 5335.

[18] MCM CEM 12 (1533) 9-18.

[19] G. Wettinger, “The Place-Names and the Personal Nomenclature of Gozo: 1372-1600,” Oriental Studies, Leeds University Oriental Society, Near Eastern Researches II (Edition in honour of Benedict S.J. Isserlin) (1980) 173-198.

[20] A(rchivum) A(rchiepiscopi) F(loriana), Reg(istrum) Fund(ationum) Benef(iciorum) Ins(ulae) Gaud(isii).

[21] R203 f.90.

[22] R203 (28.x.1553) 90: “Testamentum Guillelmi de Manuele alias Mollica…Testes: Venis Donnus Jacobus de Avula, Mathias de Manuele, Andreottas Bonnichi, Fredericus Beniabin, Jo(annes) Aloisius de Laurerio, Leonardus Beniabin, et Matheus Madiona.”

[23] Ibid. (27.iii.1554) 93: “Testes testamenti Manfridi de Luchia gaulitani: Petrus Calabachi, Petrus Sansuni, Baptista de Marino, Magister Pascualis Burlo, Magister Leo Parnisi, Andreotta de Nicolachj et Nicolaus Basili.”

[24] Not. Angelo Bartolo R48/1 (18.xi.1552) 103v: “Alexander Merchiech gaulitanus patronus brigantini”; Ibid. R48/3 (8.iii.1555) 324: “Jacobus Ribaza filius Petri gaulitanus”; Not. Placido Abela Ms514/1(6.iv.1558): “Lanza Teume gaulitanus presens”; Ibid. (13.vi.1558): “Magister Paulus Frontina Carpentarius gaulitanus”; Ibid. (13.x.1558): “Antonius de Bernardo gaulitanus presens”; Not. Barth. Haxixa R32/3 (8.viii.1559) 592: “Inguterra Bercax qdm. Francisci de Insula Gaudisij”; Ibid. (6.iii.1560) 310v: “Matheo Chappisa et Leonardo Meilac gaulitanus”; Not. Angelo Bartolo R48/6 (13.x.1561) 24v: “Instantia Salvi Sabat presentis”; Not. L. DeApapis R203 (28.ix.1565) 121: “Don Angelus Fantino”; Ibid. (25.ix.1574) 137: “Testamentum Berti Ferrulla.”

[25] Not G.D. Formosa Ms836/1 (13.xi.1592) 222: “Contrata ta xaura”; Not T. Gauci R287/5 (I) (3.i.1569) 199v: “Terras in contrata garbi appellatas di xocla.”

[26] For the 1:5 ratio vide: S. Fiorini, “Status Animarum I: A unique Source for 17th and 18 Century Maltese Demography” Melita Historica Vol. VIII No.4 (1983) 341-342.

[27] G. Wettinger, “The Gozitan Captives of 1551,” Malta Year-Book (1977) 427-430.

[28] Not L. DeApapis R203 f.96.

[29] Ibid.(4.ix.1556) 98v. Fr. Daniel Glavina S.J. kindly drew my attention to the following reference which also points to Constantinople: “Federico Fruntina morto (schiavo) presso il nemico a Constantinopoli” (AEG AO Vol.1 Doc.2 (?.ii.1565) 24-25).

[30] R287/5 (I) (6.ix.1568) 1: “…qui locus domorum erat Malgarite filie francisci de Federico captive”; ibid. (13.x.1568) 59”: “…utj curator bonorum Martini Mule captivi”; ibid. (22.x.1568) 75: “…consanginea dianore mulieris relicte qdm. Ioannis de Manuele beatricis et ysabelle puellarum filiarum legitimarum prefate dianore et dicti qdm. Ioannis de Manuele captivarum penes ostes detemptarum”; ibid. (4.xii.1568) 117v: “…quod quidem casalenum fuit et est antonelle mulieris uxoris Antonij Darmanno captive penes ostes detempte”; ibid. (16.xii.1568) 131: “…possidet in communi et pro indiviso cum angela mulier uxor Antonij Burg, Antonino Gentil et Salvo de Manuele terras… personarum captivarum penes hostes detemptarum”; ibid. (27.v.1569) 311: “Gismundi de Alagona et suorum filiorum captivorum penes hostes detemptorum”; ibid. (12.viii.1569) 406: “…curator Ioannis Rogiles eius nepotis ex fratre captivi penes hostes”; ibid. R287/5 (II) (29.xii.1569) 144: “Egregius Notarius Carolus Cassia tamquam curator captivorum Gaulitanorum…scilicet Ioannes Dallo, Gregorius Haius, Dionysius Vella, Hieronymus Xicalune”; ibid. f.145: “Guillielmi de Biscon captivi”; ibid. f.146: “Thomasij Said captivi…et Leonardi Chappara captivi”; ibid. (23.i.1570) 185v: “Malgarite Rogiles captive”; ibid. (6.iv.1570) 252v: “Antonij et Angele baiada captivorum”; ibid. (1.viii.1570) 362: “…filiorum Antonij Cavallino captivorum”; ibid. R287/6 (I) (6.ii.1571) 197v: “Presens…Agnes…Calleya exposuit quod cum possedisset…quedam bona stabilia existentia in hac Insula Gaudisij…infrascriptarum personarum…Antonij Hordob Malgarite uxoris qdm. Antonij Merchic Ioannelle uxoris qdm. Andriotte Gambino Ioannelle uxoris leonardi Rapa Pauline qdm. gergorij merchic Leonardi Gamich nec non et qdm. perne uxoris andriotte Gambino captivarum et captivorum consanguinearum et consanguineorum ipsius Agnetis”; ibid. R287/6 (I) (30.viii.1575) 201v: Antonine mulieris uxoris luce xiricha captivi ”; Not. L. De Apapis R203 (28.xi.1575) 149: “…pro anima pauli teume mortui apud Jnfideles”; R287/9 (I) (9.v.1579) 223: “…si fortassis repatriavit ab eius captivitate Salves Apap filius qdm. Mazulli”; R287/12 (I) (4.x.1584) 240; “…Petram seu Imperiam eius filiam… ex se et qdm. Theramo Saliba…ad presens captivam penes hostes detemptam”; R287/14 (25.iii.1588) 179v; Si Bernardus Parnis repatriaverit ab eius captivitate.”

[31] Not. N. DeAgatijs R202/1 (II) (10.vi.1537) 70v: “Antonius Gaudixi habitator Insule Gaulitane inpresenti in hoc suburbio commorans”; ibid. R202/2 (4.iii.1538) 167: “Testamentum Hieronyme Balistrera”; ibid. 301v: Antonio Chinsi terre gaudisii in presenti in hoc suburbio (i.e. Birgu) existenti”; ibid. R202/4 (7.ii.1540) 115: “Jacobus Guraba gaulitanus patronus cujusdam sagittie habitator civitatis Leucate”; ibid. R202/5 (12.iv.1541) 168v: “Tuchio Teuma habitator terre xicli”; Not. V.B. DeBonetijs R206/7 (27.iv.1543) 119: “Federicu Cattut patrono del bergantino … nominato Sto. Martino.”

[32] These connexions dating to medieval times are discussed in: S. Fiorini, “Sicilian Connexions of Some Maltese Medieval Surnames,” Atti del Congresso Malta-Sicilia: Contiguità e Continuità Linguistica e Culturale, 1986, (G. Brincat, ed.) in print.

[33] Not. L. DeApapis R203 (23.6.1551) 88.

[34] ibid. (28.x.1553) 90.

[35] Armando de Pasquale, Note su la Numerazione e la Descrizione Generale del Regno di Sicilia dell’Anno 1548, (Palermo, 1970) 69-71.

[36] D. Cutajar and C. Cassar op.cit. 43-44.

[37] B(ibliotheca) V(alletta), A(rchivum) O(rdinis) M(elitae) 90 f.128v; 173 ff.152, 154v, 155; 91 ff.146-147.

[38] P(alace) Archives) V(alletta), Magna Curia Castellaniae, Registrum Patentarum, I (1564-1578).

[39] ibid. f.20: “Patente del Caramusalino patroneggiato da Antonio Canberi con compagni vz…Dominjco Chetut…per li Sgarambi et tutta la costa; ibid. 9: “Patente della saittia padroneggiata da Ioseppito Blundu con compagni otto… vz Baptista Gambino… per la Licata et tutta la costa; ibid. 9v: “La patente del navilio patroneggiato da Gieronimo Romano con compagni tredici vz…Antoni Suria (or possibly Sunia)…per Siracusa et tutta la costa”; ibid. 14v: “Navilio patroneggiato da Breito Burlo con compagni diece vz Stefanu Gentil…per la Licata”; ibid. 16v: “Il gallionetto padroneggiato da Pietro Farvella con compagni sedici vz… Vincenzo Finarin…per Siragosa e tutta la costa”; ibid. 18v, 19: “La fregata padroneggiata da Constantino Ralli con compagni sedici vz… Cola de Rigio… per Siragosa”; ibid. 22v: “Il Caramusalino della Sacra Religione Hier. patroneggiata da Antonio Bellia con 14 vz… Hercole Gozitano…”; ibid. 25v: “La patente della saittia patroneggiata per Braito Xacquato per Tripoli di Barbaria(!) con 9 vz… Martino di Sala”; ibid. 37: “il caramusalin patroneggiato da Giovanpaulo Ros con 13 vz…Cola Gozitano…Stefanino Gentil…per girgente”: ibid. 39: “…Dominico Zabar.”

[40] Brian Blouet, Gozo, (Malta, 1965) 19, asserts that raids by corsairs took place in 1560, 1563, 1572, 1574, 1582, 1598 and 1599. In the 1582 raid, four galiots from Bizerta actually carried away some 70 people from Rabat, just outside the Gozo Castello.

[41] for population trends in 17th Century Malta vide S. Fiorini, op.cit.

[42] S. Fiorini, Status Animarum II: A Census of 1687, Proceedings of History Week 1984 (S. Fiorini, ed.) (1986) Appendix (pp.74-100).

[43] ibid.. pp.72-73.

[44] AEG Lib. Bapt…I (3.ix.1571) 29v: (lo) Don Nardo B(aptizavi) a (…) f. di Pietro Sultano (et) ventura jugali.” Note the change, within just two years, from De Soltano to Sultano.

[45] AAF LSA II N.36 (Għarb, 1780ca) and XXV N.10 (Matrice, 1805) 30v.

[46] AP Żebbuġ, Lib. Bapt. VI (16.xii.1734) 640.

[47] Girolamo Caracausi, “L’Elemento Bizantino ed Arabo,” Tre Millenni di Storia Linguistica della Sicilia, (Pisa, 1983) 95.

[48] Cf. also: AP Senglea, Lib. Def 1. (23.xii.1619) unpaginated: “Mariano Metallo il vechio”; AP Cath. Gozo, Lib. Bapt 1 (12.ii.1644) 437: “Baptista Metallo et Susanna jugali”; AAF LSA XIII N.64c (S. Giorgio, 1726) 17: “Ninfa vedova del fù Mario Metallo.”

[49] Bosio op.cit., p.93.

[50] G. Wettinger (1980), op.cit, p.179.

[51] BV Libr. Ms. 670 ff.63-66v.

[52] AAF LSA I N.6.

[53] AAF LSA XIII Nos. 60a (Għarb), 63 (Xagħra), 64 (Nadur), 64a (Sannat), 64b (Żebbuġ), 64c (San Ġorġ) and XIV. Nos. 101 (Matrice), and 106 (Xewkija).

[54] AAF LSA XXIIIb N.21a (Xewkija), XXIV Nos.110-114, and II N.36 (Għarb).

[55] AAF LSA XXV Nos. 8-15.

[56] Bosio op. cit., p. 96. The Gozo population in 1535 was estimated to be around 6500: Cathedral Museum ACM 34 Università Tom 1 ‘A’, f.351v.

[57] Such raids took place, for example, in 1572 and 1574 vide Blouet (1965), loc.cit.

[58] The figures in the X-column are extracted from data in: G. Zammit and S. Muscat, The Parish of Birmiftuħ: 1600-1635, B.A.(Gen) Thesis, R(oyal) U(niversity op M(alta) (1973) (unpubl.), C. Calleja Aspects of the Social History of Mosta: 1630-1650, B.A. (Gen) Thesis, RUM (1973) (unpubl,), E. Camilleri and J. Pirotta, Naxxar Parish 1600-1650, A Demographic Study, B.A. (Gen) Thesis, RUM (1973) (unpubl.), J.R. Grech, V.L. Seychell and G.G. Zammit, Tarxien 1596-1650, B.A. (Gen) Thesis, RUM (1973) (unpubl.) For the figures in the Y-column vide S. Fiorini (1986) Table II.

[59] This statement is based on a study, being prepared jointly with Dr. G. Wettinger, of land-distribution in Malta, where the situation must have been very similar.

[60] Not. L. DeApapis R203 (17.iv.1562) 109.

[61] Ibid.(28.iii.1562) 108.

[62] Not T. Gauci R287/9(11) (9.v.1579) 223.

[63] Not. F. Ciappara R185/3 (1.ix.1576) 1; Not. G.D. Formosa Ms836/1 (4.vi.1592) 196.

[64] Not G.D. Formosa Ms836/1 (13.xi.1592) 222.

[65] R287/5(I) (Ult°.ix.1568) 39.

[66] Ibid.(13.XII.1568) 127v.

[67] Ibid.(7.ii.1569) 206.

[68] R287/9(I) (7.x.1578) 35v.

[69] Ibid.(2.x.1578) 29.

[70] Vide supra.

[71] To mention a few: R287/5(I) (27.v.1569) 311, R287/5(II) (29.xii1569) 145, ibid. (Penulto.xii.1569) 146, ibid. (23.i.1570) 185v, ibid. (P°.vii.1570) 362, and several others.

[72] Ibid. et passim. For the appointment of Carolo Cassio vide B.V. AOM Liber Bullarum 429 (30.i.1563) cclxi.

[73] R185/5 (3.ix.1580) 19.

[74] R287/5(I) (29.xii.1569) 145.

[75] Ibid. (6.iv.1570) 252v.

[76] R287/5(I) (22.x.1568) 75.

[77] Ibid. (4.xii.1568) 117v.

[78] Ibid. (15,16.xii.1568) 130,131.

[79] Ibid. (27.v.1569) 311.

[80] R287/5(II) (Penult°.xii.1569) 146.

[81] Ibid. (23.i.1570) 185v.

[82] Ibid. (P°.xiii.1570) 324,362.

[83] R287/5(I) (12.viii.1569) 406.

[84] R287/6(I) (6.ii.1571) 197v.

[85] R287/5(I) (Penult°.x.1568) 84,87v,59v et passim.

[86] R.185/5 (28.ix.1580) 76v.

[87] BV AOM 89 (24.ii.1557) 102v; Ibid. 90 (1.ii.1559) 49; Ibid.(10.iv.1559) 57.

[88] Each of the following knights was condemned to be exiled to Gozo for a period of one year for various offences ranging from brawling to adultery: Fr. Johannes de Sancta Pau (BV AOM 89 (111.iii.1558) 136v), Fr. Franciscus Barrile (ibid. 90 (21.iv.1559) 58v, Fr. Johannes de Hassemburgh (ibid. 91 (23.i.1562) 58v), Fr. Benedictus Mezquita (ibid. (5.x.1562) 79), Fr. Baptista Mailly (ibid.(22.i.1563) 90), Fr. Petrus Vigier (ibid.(27.ix.1563) 109v).

[89] R287/5(I) (31.viii.1569) 439v.

[90] R287/9(I) (11.x.1577) 40.

[91] Ambrosius Gambin was in fact Maltese from Rabat but he was married to the Gozitan Jacoba Danfasino: AEG Lib. Matr. I (24.i.1576) 111.

[92] The lands belonged to Paulus de Anastasio, to Magister Franciscus Theume, sutor, and to Magnificus Nicolaus Castilletta, respectively: R287/9(I) (l8.ix.1577) ff.11v, 12, 12v; (2.x.1577) f.27.

[93] R287/5(I) (14.i.1569) l63v-169v. On this occasion, the Secreto also gave the lease of the “barca del passo (sive scaffa ut vulgo dicitur) (R297/9(I) (16.ix.l577) f.8) cum el ridumi(?) abbonaturi et soi raxuni et emolumenti” for one year to Antonio Gauchi, Laurentio Spiteri, Leonardo Buchaiar and Dominico Tumne: R287/5(I) (29.i.1569) f.180.

[94] R287/5(I) (29.i.l569) f.l81.

[95] Ibid.(28.iii. 1569) f.252v.

[96] G. Wettinger, “Agriculture in Malta in the late Middle Ages,” Proceedings of History Week 1981 (M. Buhagiar, Ed.) (1982) p.37.

[97] R287/3(III) (29.ix.1565) 2v.

[98] R287/5(I) (11.ix.1568) 10.

[99] R287/11(I) (18.x.l581) 60.

[100] R287/5(I) (20.xii.1568) 142v.

[101] Marginal insertion.

[102] R287/5 (I) (8.xi.1568) 91v-92v.

 

One response to “The Resettlement of Gozo after 1551

  1. Michael Meilak

    January 17, 2015 at 12:35 am

    I found this information fascinating as my family name Meilak (Meilac) appears as far back as the middle of the 1500’s in Gozo, where my father comes from.

     

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